The man who is PM

By Frank Kolma

NEW PNG prime minister Paias Wingti is four years younger than his predecessor Rabbie Namaliu. But for the two former Pangu Pati colleagues, leadership styles are very different.

Namaliu is a committee man, always ready to compromise and reach a concensus. Wingti is more decisive, choosing to deal witth a problem with the minimum of consultaion very quickly. Wingti conducts the consultation before he is faced with a problem.

During his short term as prime minister, Wingti banned overseas trips for all his ministers except the finance and foreign affairs ministers. But he travelled extensively to every part of the country talking to everbody who shook hands with him.

“What’s happening here? Have you heard about me?

What are the major problems around here?” These were typical questions he would ask people.

He hated and shied away from the Port Moresby cocktail parties. He said lobbyists and self-interested and pompous individuals with very little concern for the country frequented these parties.

But he was interested, none-the-less, in what went on. An officer would be sent along to more important gatherings.

Journalists would find themselves being interviewed about public opinion or reaction to a government decision. Church leaders and selected business leaders were consulted.

In March 1985, when Wingti broke ranks with the Pangu Pati with 19 others, the International Monetary Fund reported PNG’s economy was on the brink of collapse.

Wingti regained government on November 21, the same year, after moving a motion of no confidence in former leader and political mentor, Sir Michael Somare.

He made economic development the top priority of his government and paid particular emphasis on agriculture. He divided departments and ministeries into economic, infra structure and social ministeries, and gave them attention in that order.

Wingti chose one of the country’s most able and ix perienced finance ministers, Sir Julius Chan, to be his cputy and to head his economic drive. Eighteen months ater, the World Bank reported PNG’s economic policies were lound and on track to form the basis of rapid economic growth.

Due to Bougainville and low commodity prices the two nstitutions were back in 1989, bailing out the country and imposing massive restructuring, the results of which will not >e known until 1995. Both Wingti and Chan abhorred the overseas borrowings. Loan repayment was the single biggest xpenditure item of each of their three budgets.

Wingti kept telling people on his village travels : “The aoney is in the land. Turn to the land. If you want

something, you contribute 50 per cent in hard work and the government will contribute 50 per cent in infrastructure.”

The message worked. And he kept his word. When coffee rust was discovered in the highlands, he called a state of emergency and poured millions of kina into the coffee industry to combat and rehabilitate small growers’ plan tations. The operation was successful in most respects but the establishment of the Coffee Development Agency and its political overtones in the 1987 elections caused concern and the Namaliu government amalgamated the independent agency under the new Coffee Industry Corproation.

Wingti banned overseas travel and demanded performance from his ministers to the point of being absurd. He instructed ministers once not to go to discos and not to get drunk in public. He demanded equal performance from public servants, choosing to direct rather than be guided by advice from them.

In foreign policy, Wingti chose to deal with close neighbours first and then with the outside. He told Australia the loose arrangements between various agencies of the two governments should be brought together under one umbrella.

It resulted in the Joint Declaration of Principles.

The same was applied to Indonesia with the signing of the Treaty of Mutual Friendship.

Wingti initiated the Melanesian Spearhead Group among Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and PNG, now under threat by the spill-over effect of Bougainville troubles into the Solomons.

But the Wingti of 1985 may not be the same as the Wingti of 1992. He seems to have lost much of the enthusiasm, spending a lot of time with his businesses. But he has not lost his appeal with the people. The charismatic appeal the bearded highlander has had continues to hold his listeners’ attention at any forum he chooses to address.

Wingti is one of 18 brothers and sisters born of the many wives his Western Highlands Jiga chieftan Wingti Wimpai had. He entered the University of Papua New Guinea to study “a bit of everything” from politics, arts to economics.

Wingti left after three years and tried his hand at peanut planting before he contested elections in 1977 for the Hagen Open seat. He scored 2900 votes to defeat his nearest rival by 300 votes. He stood on a Pangu ticket in 1982 and won again by 2000 votes.

He was made Pangu Party deputy leader and headed several ministeries, Wingti headed a number of radical elements in the Pangu camp in the likes of Nahau Rooney and Gabriel Ramoi. But he judged there was far too much competition for Somare’s job. He had to get out if he had any hope of leading a party.

A clever strategist, he bided his time until discontent was high in Pangu, before making the break. He succeeded.

In 1987 he switched from Hagen Open to Western Highlands regional. A province that had returned him with

an overwhelming majority.

And they did the same this year again. □