To join or not to join the UN

The United Nations

By Ian Williams

(United Nations correspondent) AT the beginning of March, the Washington Ambassadors of the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) and Marshalls were in New York talking to people at the United Nations (UN). Pacific diplomats there told Pacific Islands Monthly that the two recent ex- UN Trusteeship territories were explor ing the possibilities of renewing their relationship with the UN this time as members.

The Marshall Island Embassy in Washington said the visit was simply to “thank the diplomats who had sup ported us,” in lifting their trusteeship last December. “We haven’t got instructions from our government on UN member ship it’s too early to consider.”

More forthcoming was FSM Am bassador Jesse B Marehalau, who said the New York visit was a “process of consultation and explanation nothing concrete. We’re waiting for feedback from the people we met, what obstacles there might be, what requirements we need to satisfy, and of course the cost and benefits of membership”.

He does not anticipate any problems but admits, “We’ll have to move cau tiously and it’s up to our capitals to decide.” The timetable depends on a series of exploratory talks with the Permanent Five members of the Security Council, each of whom have the poten tial to block the application.

A US spokesperson confirmed their support for the application to PIM, and that should go a long way to persuade the others in the light of the present balance of power. Meetings with Beijing have garnered Chinese approval for the deal helped no doubt by the two states’ acuity in not upgrading their extensive trading links with Taiwan into diplomatic ties.

Representatives of the FSM and The Marshalls have met French diplomats who have also indicated that there would be no objections from that quarter.

Preliminary approaches to the British are on hold as the United Kingdom

mission to the UN awaits instructions from London. The British are unhappy about the restrictions on sovereignty

imposed by the Compacts of Free

Association between the former Trust territories and the US, but on balance, it is felt that London would not want to

spoil the post Gulf “special relationship”

with the US over a matter in which Britain has no direct interest.

So far the Pacific emissaries have not yet discussed the issue with the USSR, but Moscow’s co-operation in ending the Trusteeship last December after years of intransigence, augurs well for Soviet acquiescence. And as one UN staffer pointed out, two Soviet Republics, Ukraine and Byelorussia, have had separate UN membership since the

beginning of the United Nations. Whatever sover eignty the FSM and Mar shalls have, has to be more than the two Soviet republics had when Stalin pushed their member ship!

Originally, there was consideration of rushing

membership through in a Special Gen eral Assembly Session in May, but now it seems that the two feel it best to cover all the bases first, and to wait until the regular session in September. Their votes will be welcomed by the other South Pacific Forum countries which have been vigorously pushing their case. Since the South Pacific Forum is meeting in the FSM in July, there will be ample opportunity to hammer out a common approach in the unlikely event of the

application meeting problems.

In the current state of world affairs, a US endorsement of their application would go a long way. The State Department is believed to be deciding on the issue shortly, but is presently sym pathetic to the idea of an application so that they can lease directly with agencies like UNDP and UNICEF.

But is the cost a deterrent to small states? The minimum membership con-

tribution is 0.01 per cent of the UN budget, minus a figure which reflects a rebate of the UN staff assessment, a form of internal income tax on international civil servants. Currently that leaves about $U592,000 to find, plus an additional percentage for UN peacekeep ing operations, which in the case of Least Developed Countries would be a mini mum of 10 per cent, so that minimum dues are just over $lOO,OOO.

In return, Least Developed Countries are allowed the cost of travel for up to five delegates from their capitals to New York. However, the accommodation, wining and dining of their delegation is their own responsibility, as is the pro vision of office space and facilities. To assist that, there is a sort of micro-states’ co-operative on 44th St and First Avenue in New York. It houses the offices of nine small Commonwealth States, Belize, Dominica, Gambia, Grenada, Maldives,

St Lucia, Seychelles, the Solomon Islands, and Samoa.

Nusi Moala, its adminis trative head, a Samoan who was former ambassador for the Solomons, explains that the idea began with the Australians assisting the Pa cific island states back in

1983, but later they were joined by Canada, New Zealand and the UK to fund the premises through the Common wealth Secretariat.

“A lot of ambassadors told us that before, they had spent more time arguing with their landlords than anything else”, said Moala. In the offices they share a researcher, typist/receptionist, and the services of Moala and his assistant, all funded by the Commonwealth.

“We still have a vacancy for a less developed Commonwealth state,” he says in a welcomine tone, pointing to Kiribati, Tonga, Tuvalu and Nauru as possibilities. None of them have joined the UN, but so far the promise of a free office has not been able to overcome the commendable restraint of small nations for whom the minimum cost of around $U5250,000, even with a free office, represents an enormous chunk of their national budget. □