in the Pacific

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On not going bananas in the Pacific

Ever since the days of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, philosophers have turned to Oceania in search of an ideal society.

C S Hopman, a longtime resident in New Caledonia, offers his thoughts on what could be done to create a society that could profit from its very distance from less happy lands. Readers are invited to respond to Mr Hopman’sideas: write to him % Pacific Islands Monthly, GPO Box 4245, Sydney Australia 2001.

)| N VIETNAM it was a broken raw legg: pass it from hand to hand, |and yolk remains while the white ribbles away. Here it’s done with coconuts: eat the white meat and keep the coarse brown husk. In both cases

something precious is lost.

The British used to say that next to Providence, their Empire was the greatest force for good on earth.

Perhaps not; but New Zealand, Cana da, the USA, Australia are the sort of places to which people want to emi

grate. Singapore and Hong Kong are

bustling, prosperous cities. But think of the misery the French left in Afri ca, Indonesia and elsewhere.

Why the difference? It is important to find out, because it’s clear to some one who has lived in New Caledonia for more than 17 years that they are doing it again here. If they follow

their present trajectory, they will again

leave hated and humiliated, blaming foreigners or fate, perhaps and

not understanding how carefully they

built themselves a trap and fell into it.

This trap is not uniquely French: human beings are all lousy colonisers of this earth. We could oe creating

extraordinary beauty, abundance,

wellbeing; instead there is unemploy ment, crime, war, environmental des truction. We waste and destroy what is most previous. I hope to show here that there is a way out of the trap.

The New Caledonian Case The writer O Henry coined the term ‘banana republic’ for those Latin American nations that in his day were dominated by the United Fruit Com pany. The term is now used to con note any country in which foreign governments or companies use local governments or companies to plunder or pollute. The practice can be traced back at least as far as Rome, which

mined Britain for its armaments in dustry and sent it administration and finished goods in return.

Drive with me from Tontouta air port to Noumea. One of the first things you will notice is that the coun try is quite empty. It has a population of some 160,000 Belgium, about the same size, has 10 million. Much of the land you see particularly furth er north belongs to a few people or to companies and is tenant farmed.

This was not always so: before the de pression of the 19305, most farmers owned their land and the villages in the interior were developing healthily.

But then prices of farm goods fell while those of fuel, fertiliser and tools

were kept high.

Many farms put up as collateral fell to the importers and the banks.

Look again at that empty land.

While the Americans were here dur ing World War 11, this island fed some 400,000 people: now seven tenths of our food is imported. Drive through any village in the interior.

What do you see? Town hall, gendar merie, scnool, church, post office, a

bar, a few shops selling imported

goods . . . and tnafs it. Tnere’s none of the infrastructure of little factories producing toys, ceramics, furniture, nor the wayside stands you find in other places. The soil is full of metal, but not a single spoon or can-opener is made here. The island is sur rounded by millions of square kilometres of ocean, but fishing rights are leased to foreigners. Except for a few prawns, no fish are exported.

There might have been good occa sions for bringing people here. In March 1918 the (Germans broke through the Allied lines and spilled into France, thinking they had won.

Drunk and debauched, their bags full of loot, they were captured or Killed,

and realised they had lost. But the charms of ‘military jujitsu’ were lost on the signatories of the Treaty of Ver sailles. Woodrow Wilson notwithstand ing, the British and the French in sisted on enormous reparations and in 1920 more than 100,000 Germans died of cold and hunger. There was an extraordinary feeling of bitterness and frustration which, as Hitler him self wrote, gave rise to Nazism. Had the French (and the British) had the generosity to invite some of these peo ple to their colonies, a second world war and the atrocities of the gas cham bers and A-bomb might have been avoided. France might have kept her colonies and this country might have developed an economy capable of paying its own wav.

About half of tne white population of just under 40,000 (the same as Haiti before the slave rebellion) are employed as state or territorial fonc tionnaires. Another 30 per cent or so have bureaucratic jobs in banks, insur ance companies, airlines and the like.

Living standards here are quite high:

medical and school facilities, roads, water, communications even to re mote areas are better than in many Pacific Islands. France sends some $3OO to $5OO million per year to keep

this place going. When imported

goods came maimy from Frace, most of the money sent here went back there. Now it tends to go elsewhere, and adds to France’s balance of pay ment deficit.

To the left, as we drive to town, there are mountains. They are beauti ful but cut by great gashes in the dark red earth where miners searched for (and perhaps found) nickel ore.

Some very large fortunes were made but not much of that money came back. Payments are usually made abroad, and who is to check whether

prices quoted here are the same as those paid elsewhere? In any case it is evident that not much was invested in

replanting strip-mined slopes, so when

the heavy rains come, red slit flows down over farmland and into the la goon, where it kills the reef. Nickel mining and smelting do provide a few jobs but, with automation, even less.

It s a matter of most value removed and least added: how can the value of a stripped mountain or polluted la goon be compared with that of cash stashed away in foreign accounts?

As we drive into town, you see the nickel smelting works on the right. It had about 15 per cent of the world market some 20 years ago now it processes 6 per cent. Strange that this factory should be here on the west coast, even though most of the ore is on the east only a few hundred kilometres away. Strange, too, that ab out half the island’s population lives in Noumea and its suburbs. Why not spread out a bit? Have the capital in the centre say in Bourail. Put a university on the east coast, where it rains more, send industry to the south so the dust can blow out to sea.

Noumea, with its numerous hills and bays, could have been one of the most beautiful towns in the world. It isn’t. Many of the bays have been fil led in. Ugly apartment buildings block what should have been beautiful views. This place was obviously more concerned with money than beauty, and impoverished itself in consequ ence. Here, as in any banana town, you can see elegant ladies stepping out of fine cars over piles of trash or across open sewers into luxurious shops. As everywhere where there is

injustice there is ugliness graffiti,

shanty huts and garish villas.

The overall impression of Noumea is that of a little colony of consump

tion; the bureaucracy regularly

appears on TV asking for more, but never suggests it is vastly overstaffed.

The miners doubtless do well most of the time, but it is hard to know just how well they complain about hard times, but manage to stay in business.

The importers do quite well, sending

out the money brought in by the pub lic sector and mines. But the whole thing is very ingrown. Unlike Amer icans, Australians, Canadians and New Zealanders, who invited people to come and help build their countries, the local government refused to accept even the pieds noirs when they had to leave Algeria. Un pays merveilleux a wonderful country say the local French when visiting relatives back in the metropolc . . . but when the latter, who pay the taxes that keep this place going, try to come here they find they cannot do so without return tickets.

Let us consider why this island is likely to go bananas.

There is wealth. There is more than nickel, chromium and cobalt in the ground here: other metals as well as coal, oil and gas have been found, too.

The island is beautiful, has a pleasant climate and is uniquely situated. In a few decades fluid fossil fuels will run out. Then humanity will get its energy from the ocean, and the Pacific is tne best place in the world to do this.

There is dependence. The whole is land suffers from a mentalite d assistc.

Even the independentists do not real ise just how great the potential of this island is, and expect France to go on looking after them after independ ence. As things stand this country could not survive without French aid: its internal market is too small and prices are too high for it to develop viable industries. Its bureaucracy is too concerned with self-preservation.

The mining-importing oligarchy de

pends on this bureaucracy to defend

its privileges.

There is hatred. Such wealth as has been made here has not been shared

fairly. Many Melanesians feel they

have been treated like second-class citizens in their own country. This is also increasingly true for the petits blancs the poor whites. Since the Matignon Agreement the old indepen

dentist/loyalist split has given away to

a more fluid, possibly explosive situa tion as each of the old blocs split into those for and against these agree ments. People are confused, fright ened, frustrated.

There is instability. After recent riots, the mayor of Noumea com

plained that the police did practically

nothing but this is understandable in the light of Ouvea. France cannot afford a colonial war here. Scenes of gendarmes shooting Melanesian chil dren could do nasty things to France’s reputation and balance of payments.

North Africans might stop buying Peugeots; South Africans might be come sarcastic.

France already pays heavily to keep

this place. Why snould she pay more or spill more blood? But how can wealth, especially if unfairly distri buted, be protected without force? If there is more trouble, there will be fewer investments, more unemploy ment and more trouble. France, hav ing trouble at home and suspecting it may not be here for long, may be in clined to cut its losses. Others, seeing the fragility of the Matignon agree ments, may want to wait and see be fore putting money here.

Wealth, dependency, hatred, insta bility mix these any way you want, but the results are predictable.

Whether this place remains French or not, or adopts some sort of independ ence-in-association, it will be hard to avoid the bananas. As in the 20 or so other countries to which she gave

or was forced to give independ ence, France will hurt herself and others. This island will become another of those dumps that festers under a subtropical sun, incapable of taking care of itself.

Curing the Latin Disease Some harsh things have been said ab out Latins in general, and the French in particular. This was not done with any intent to arouse hatred or wound Gallic pride: a doctor who diagnoses a disease does not hate the sufferer. On the contrary; he seeks to understand and eliminate the cause of the suffer ing. To heal is to make whole again, to re-member what had been dis membered.

Some of my Melanesian friends may feel my suggestion that the French could have done well to bring several million Germans or other Frenchmen to New Caledonia may sound like the far right National Front. But let them consider whether they, too, have been infected by the Latin disease. When humanity starts colonising the stars, will they be out in the forefront? Or will their society be sucked too dry, split too deep to join in the fun?

The Melanesians have largely pre served the tribal organisation nasea on direct exchange and customary law all peoples had before money was in vented. They ‘fell’ in the sense that they are one with their land; their land claims them as much as they claim it. Melanesian consciousness was originally much less egocentric than the European’s. A person was his rela tionship to others; before the Euro peans came, New Caledonia/Kanaky nad a busy trade and communications network with its neighbours; economic and social exchanges went on between coastal and mountain regions or the outer islands and the mainland. Socie ty was based on exchanges of women, jade, food, artworks.

Traditional Melanesian property is neither private nor common. The clan head manages the clan’s lands, but does not own them. He is empowered to decide how clan lands are allocated to different families and under what conditions they may be attri buted to foreigners. Homage (in the form of yams) is given to him and through him to the clan’s founders.

The tribal chiefs power, in contrast, was above all a political power, quite different from subordinate powers to decide on resource allocation. He had no particular prerogatives to decide over tribal lands, but protected the tribe’s heritage, formed alliances and, with clan notables, resolved disputes.

Not surprisingly, the Melanesians hit it off better with the English than they did with the French, who not only came later but had less under standing of tribal psychology. Initially

the Melanesians hoped the English would rid them of the French Gon dou, chief of rebel mountain tribes, expressed his feelings in Pidgin: “Frenchmen all same pouacas. Sup pose me look one, I vomit.” The French killed him.

Like most peoples who still live according to largely oral traditions, the Melanesians are often able com

municators and negotiators. Magic

boucan and ceremony have an impor tant place in their culture.

Melanesians can negotiate with other Oceanians in ways that French men cannot. The French are not only outsiders, there are some important things about making agreements they

“In an Oceanic market, abilities would merge

in healthy competition rather than suffocating

this economy with mini-monopolies”

do not understand. Their symbolism of the Matignon agreements was wrong. As one of my Melanesian friends observed, an agreement concerning a country should be signed there. Signatories should be able to contact their countrymen, the vibrations of the land and spirits of their ancestors. He also notea the symbolism of the French prime ministers coming here all the way from Paris to make a speech under a Kanaky flag.

France, however, deserves tne

world’s gratitude for having preserved

the Melanesian way of life as well as it did throughout a century of European imperialism. French Governors, in-

spired by Rousseau’s ‘noble savage’

and by real compassion, helped pro-

tect the Melanesians from the sort of land-grabbing that more or less annihilated the American Indians but France has not realised that an understanding of the Melanesian way of life and Melanesian economics could help her solve many of her problems. Since she insists on keeping her sovereignty over Kanaky all to herself, she is playing a losing game, Her support of the local oligarchy is all too reminiscent of Algeria and Vietnam or the US backing of various Trujillos, Battistas and Somosas.

Maintaining the peace is problematical, maintaining civil services is costly . . . and no-one seems very grateful. She can’t do much with the place and is not sure if she wants to let it go.

But think of what might have happened if, after World War 11, France had proposed to her Indochinese possessions that she would help organise them into a common market with a single currency, system of laws, government with powers balanced between centre and periphery, and then leave asking only for reasonable

guarantees for anv people and invest ments she leaves oenina.

There is immense wealth in the Pacific: energy, minerals, food, fresh water, living space can be obtained from it. But doing so will require

large, long term investments quite

beyond the resources of any island by

itself. Large, long-term investments

cannot be made without the expecta tion of political stability over a wide region. Expensive research must be written off with large economies of scale. Devices developed and pro duced in one place may have to be used widely in others to be profitable.

France, with her advanced ocean ex ploration and satellite launching facili

ties, could play an important role in the development of this region.

Perhaps more than most countries she could also contribute culture: her love of good and gracious living, her artists ana architects could all acfd greatly to the quality of life here. It is time the white community here stopped look ing abroad for the solutions to its problems. It is right here in the Paci fic: instead of begging from Paris or selling baubles into this minute mar ket, they could be managing exports, imports and investments Detween, and in, the European Community and a potential Oceania Federation. The Caldoches and New Caledonian whites are more enterprising than the Frenchmen who stayed at home.

Their technical, commercial and admi nistrative competence, their ties with Europe, their knowledge of local con ditions and their money could all be put to use more rewardingly here than elsewhere.

In an Oceanic market their abilities would merge in healthy competition and co-operation with entrepreneurs from other states, rather than suffo cating this little economy with mini monopolies. But if they hold the answer to others’ problems, the con verse is also true. They must learn to be friends with the people they have looked down on for so long.

One of the advantages of a Federa tion would be that internal games would tend to become less intense as representatives of different parties de fended the interests of their islands around a table. So, if it seemed desir able to form a regional airline by com bining the resources of many local lines, Melanesians and whites could combine effectively to make sure that each island state received a fair share of the revenues of the joint airline.

Greater stability within and between nations then makes large, long term investment more likely, reduces unem ployment and so attracts more invest ment. Another advantage might be that international waters would, by en closure, become a de facto part of the Federation’s economic zone.

It would be advantageous if mem ber states were roughly of the same size and shared similar interests: in particular the development of island and ocean resources. Small island na tions might feel their voices would not be heard if larger Pacific rim nations were to join, but this could lead to a neo-colonial ‘spheres of influence” situation. Best use would not be made of the ocean’s resources if it were to cut up so that larger powers con fronted each other more or less direct ly. Rather, it would seem that if the ocean is to be worked and cared for efficiently, various powers should in vest in tne whole region together.

As things stand now, however, va rious influences are spreading across the Pacific; opposing military forces manoeuvre in close proximity. France is in a unique position to play an ex

tremely beneficial role: relinquishing

sovereignty to her Pacific territories on condition they immediately form a part of a larger federation and that the rights of her erstwhile citizens and interests would be properly guaran teed in that f ederation, she could help build that Federation and act as an arbiter in the organisation of its admi nistrative structures.

Instead of spreading much and earning little to Keep these places, she could help herself and others.

This would certainly not be easy.

Melanesians, Asians and Europeans differ more than do Germans, French and Britons. Patience and tact would

be required to explain the advantages

of relinquishing some sovereignty

or the necessity of letting islanders manage their affairs.

But the rewards could be immense for all concerned. We do not have to go bananas. With foresight and wis dom, we can merge seemingly conflict

ing interests. The particular genius of

each community is required for suc cess, just as Latin organisation and German initiative produced in Britons a uniquely successful blend. After several centuries of intermixing, Celts, Romans, Jutes, Danes, Normans and others fused into what Englishmen proudly called their race.

Who knows but that something simi lar could happen here: an Oceanic race whose members are second to none in grace, bravery and intelli gence. Perhaps if we combine Oceanic abilities to agree and to explore with European science and Asian pragmat ism, Oceania could become a model for a more integrated humanity. □