Movements away

from the centre

Decentralisation in the South Pacific: Local, Provincial and State Government in Twenty Countries, University of the South Pacific, 1985 The above book covering decentralisation in most of the many islands of the Pacific contains contribu tions from almost an equal number of authors. A mam moth task has been attempted.

The book is divided into three sections corresponding with the major areas of the Pacific Melanesia, Polynesia and Micronesia.

Each island is dealt with separately although more detail is given to some rather than others. Tonga gets short shrift whereas Papua New Guinea receives prime attention. It appears that some authors have first-hand information of the island on which they wrote others appear to glean their information solely from secondary sources.

It is a pity that more informa tion and opinions was not sought from Islanders them selves. nevertheless a wealth of detailed information is provided on administrative structures, political development and their history. As such, Decentralisa tion in the South Pacific appears as an excellent refer ence book.

But any book becomes more

valuable when it goes beyond the details to provide analysis.

The discussion is generally put within the context of former colonial overseership, modern political development with some attention being paid to indigenous forms of political control.

The different chapters vary in amount of analysis paid to the juxtaposition of all three in the administrative forms which have evolved to their present state.

If the book proves one thing it is that decentralisation is not a uniform movement in the Paci fic. In French Polynesia it is more or less a transfer from the French system rather than a natural process which reflects the aspirations of those islan ders.

In Western Samoa, local gov ernment is based on the values inherent in a hierarchically valued system of chiefly titles.

In Fiji there is a dual system of local government one for Melanesian Fijians and the other for the Indian Fijians.

Decentralisation obviously

serves different purposes, it can also give rise to different emo tions.

Obviously attitudes to decen tralisation change through time.

PNG is a classic example. In the wake of independence in the 70s, decentralisation was

fashionable. It was equated with decolonisation.

Yet even before the 80s there were those who saw extensive decentralisation as a step to wards secession.

So, in PNG, caution came to be expressed. In countries of ethnic or provincial diversity, governments may want to make symbolic gestures to de centralisation. Yet, at the same time, fears may be aroused.

As in Vanuatu, there may be apprehension over regionalisa tion or separatism. In contrast in more homogenous or smaller island states such as Tuvalu or Cooks, the hope exists that local government can hasten development.

At times, the book does delve into vital enquiry such as whe ther or not local structures are actually facilitating or hindering the development process.

Pam Thomas’ chapter on Western Samoa is one of the best. She outlines the outcome of the central Government’s policy of strengthening the link ages between villagers and na tional policy makers.

Rural Development projects were to be based on commer cial village ventures. Once dis cussed in the village council (fono ) a project request was sent to the Rural Development Unit. The traditional system of local government provided the organisation needed for raising the initial costs and labor force.

The Rural Development Program in Western Samoa started off very successfully be cause the central Government could plug into the existing

Continued on page 48

system of local government.

However, after the three years the promise tarnished.

Pam Thomas argued that an important contributory factor was the lack of adequate com munication between central Government and village lead ers. There was insufficient cen tral supervision of projects.

Alternatively, however, if the government had exercised more control, a collision may well have occurred between it and traditional leaders.

Perhaps the most valuable asset of the book is that it amply demonstrates that there are no straight answers as to the bene fits or disadvantages of decen tralisation.

However, there are probably lessons to be learned on when decentralisation favors deve lopment and when it does not.

This sort of analysis is not really provided in the book.

A summary of conclusions, however, is presented at the end of the book. In many ways it is its best part. Peter Lamour begins by telling us that the book is mainly concerned with formal structures.

He then adds that this “may not be a good guide to political content”. Nor, I might add, may formal structure be a good guide to planning development

strategies. Many informal struc tures, such as women’s com mittees on Samoa, can be very useful. Lamour would argue that only formal authority is capable of furthering deve lopment.

He contends correctly that even constitutional and legal autonomy means little if local governments lack resources such as staff, budgets or authority.

Lamour goes on to identify three types of local govern ment; • Minimal in that local gov ernments do little themselves without consulting with central governments. These types of local governments are generally involved with minor works and keeping roads and villages clean and tidy. • Weak developmental where local government func tions are broad and deve lopmental but which lack the resources to carry out the plans. • Decentralised in that the local government is the object to which certain national func tions have been transferred.

Sources of local government revenues are then explored.

On the whole, then, the book is useful. Even when it does not provide sufficient analysis, it provides enough information for readers to pose their own questions and come up with

their own guidelines.

Sandra

Rennie.