on Compact

FSM thumbs up on Compact

As in the parable of the tortoise and the hare, the Federated States of Micronesia has proven the value of a slow and patient approach towards decolonisa tion. Although the government was the last of three in Mic ronesia seeking free association to complete negotiations with the United States, citizens of the federation in June approved the relationship by nearly 75 per cent. It was a victory for the FSM as well as America.

What happened in those is lands was a textbook example of democracy in action. It was no cliche that some voters came to their polling stations in canoes.

Others, of course, preferred the comfort of air-conditioned auto mobiles, but the means of trans

port is somewhat beside the point. Free association, with its continuing ties to (and depend ence on) the United States is the political status of choice in the

Fsm.

The victory margin FSM wide, as well as on a state-by state basis, is instructive. There can be no doubt that the FSM wants free association, unlike the confused situation in Palau, three of the four states Yap, Truk and Kosrae approved the rela tionship by healthy margins.

Only in Ponape state, where the FSM’s capital is located, did voters narrowly turn down the pact. The sour note struck by Ponape is probably due to reasons unrelated to the free as sociation compact as such. Citi

zens there have long resented the national government’s presence; the “outsiders”, notably “the Trukese”, get the best housing and the most prestigious jobs, they grouse. FSM President To siwo Nakayama is Trukese.

To ease Ponapean fears of being dominated by the federal bureaucracy, there will probably be increased attention to local concerns in Kolonia, the capital city, in the coming months. If carried out well, such political and personal ego-massaging could lessen the severity of the Ponapean pains.

All of which means the FSM and the United States can now approach the trusteeship termina tion process without fear of some major snag upsetting everyone.

To end Trust Territory control over the FSM, three of the four state legislatures must now ap prove the free association com pact. Given the healthy approval ratings, that seems a certainty.

Then the national congress must

give its blessing, a move which also seems assured.

From there, the compact will be sent to the U.S. Congress, where some believe that free association will be strongly criticised by Rightwing lawmak ers. These observers believe that free association will be portrayed as a Panama Canal-like giveaway of American strategic interests.

Nothing could be further from the truth, of course. Strategic de nial guarantees are the heart of the compacts negotiated with the Marshall Islands, Palau and the FSM. Once the complicated ag reements are explained to senators and representatives, that point should be clearer.

Indeed, if the U.S. Senate vote in June to approve the long stalled Pacific Island Treaties by a 94-4 margin is any indication, free association should get through Congress fairly easily if backers can keep the conserva tives from bottling up the com pact in one or more committees.

Notes from the North Floyd K. Takeuchi on Micronesia

The history of the free associa tion negotiations should make anyone extremely wary of offer ing predictions on how long the termination process may take.

However, it seems reasonable at this point to suggest that perhaps within a year the Trust Territory administration’s suzerainty could be ended over the Federated States. And it is likely that Washington will use that time frame to end formal “control” over the Northern Marianas, which have waited patiently for nearly a decade to become an American commonwealth similar to Puerto Rico.

In the Marshall Islands and in Palau there has also been prog ress in recent weeks. U.S. Am bassador Fred Zeder flew from Washington to Majuro in late June for intensive negotiations.

The result was an agreement on the controversial nuclear-testing compensation package of the compact, and a September 7 date for a plebiscite in the Marshalls.

The compromise essentially frontloads about $l5O million in assistance for the peoples of Bi kini, Enewetak, Rongelap and Utirik atolls, which were directly affected by U.S. atomic weapons testing during the 1940’s and 1950’5. While representatives of those groups and others par ticipated in the talks, it is unclear wheather they will support the new agreement. If not, the com pact could be in for big trouble in September despite President Amata Kabua’s strong support.

After completing his work in the Marshalls, Zeder flew to Guam where he met a Palauan delegation.

Following three days of inten

sive negotiations a compromise

to the Palauan quagmire was announced.

The U.S. will be allowed to have its military ships and planes transit Palau with nuclear mate rial aboard, but will not be al lowed to “store the nuclear weapons, reactors and the like” in Palau.

The agreement is seen as one interpretation of the Palauan con stitution, which prohibits the en trance of hazardous materials. As in the Marshalls, whether Zed er’s handiwork goes over in Palau remains to be seen.

But those are the continuing “problems” of Micronesia. The successful plebiscite in the Federated States is reason for celebration. It was an example of how the Pacific Island nations

have been able, almost without exception, to make the transition from colonialism to self government without bloodshed or strife.

In the FSM’s case, free associ ation may not be independence.

But the status does allow for considerable administrative aut onomy, and with the level of assured fiscal resources that many another Pacific govern ment would dearly love to have.

All in all, this is a most impre ssive record for the leaders of the Federated States, who have taken diverse island groups and within just a few years have managed to melcf them into a cohesive unit.

Whether the federation stand the test of time remains to be seen, but the young government is cer tainly off to a good start.

Floyd K. Takeuchi.