New Hebrideans clear the arena

arena for the next round

From a Vila correspondent

The political stalemate of the last 12 months in the New Hebrides, which has thrown a spanner into the works of the already chronically inef ficient machinery of the Joint British- French administration and slowed progress towards self-determination, may now be at an end. Re-elections in the northern island of Santo finally took place on October 25-28, enabling the possibility of the Representative Assembly at last officially getting down to business after a year’s delay.

The re-elections in Santo were for five seats invalidated by the Joint Anglo-French Court of Appeal after electoral challenges had been successful earlier in the year. The court annulled the election wins of Titus Path, Mary Gilu, Philibert de Montgremier and Thomas Reuben all of the New Hebrides National Par ty and of Michel Thevenin of the MANH party, in rulings which con demned the Joint Administration generally for their “incomplete and contradictory” electoral legislation, and specifically for illegally amending their own joint decisions during the election period.

The elections of November, 1975, gave the National Party a 17-12 ma jority of the “people’s represen tatives” seats. In view of the fact that some holders of “economic interests” seats were sympathetic to the National Party, as were two of the holders of the four “chiefly” seats provided for, the National Party had an overall majority in the 42-seat assembly.

Events following the original elec tions were seen by the National Party as manoeuvres by the French ad ministration to prevent progress towards the party’s declared aim of independence by 1977. The elections for the remaining two chiefly seats were blocked, and the assembly could therefore not convene. Meanwhile, Jimmy Stevens in close consulta tion with American land speculators and, it seems, the French administra tion in Vila and Paris declared the independence of the “Nagriamel Federation”, mainly comprising the island of Santo. As a separatist move this failed. But what it did achieve was to help divert attention sufficiently to

Santo “unrest” to mask the out rageousness of the election in validations and make re-elections appear almost justified, on the grounds that Nagriamel and pro- French factions should have greater representations in the Representative Assembly.

The Santo re-elections thus became a gladiators’ arena, the focus for the power struggle between the pro colonial and pro-independence cham pions. While the National Party field ed exactly the same candidates whose seats had been invalidated, the op position parties altered their strategy.

In the Santo Rural constituency Jimmy Stevens, self-styled chief of Nagriamel, who chose not to stand in 1975, was the major addition to the list of candidates. Predictably, he won, although the solid reaffirmation of the two National Party candidates must have damaged his pride more than a little. Voters elected Thomas Reuben (NHNP) with 1,126 votes, Jimmy Stevens (Nagriamel) with 977 votes, and Dr Titus Path (NHNP) with 887 votes. Unsuccessfully, in fourth place, came James Tangis Buluk, also of Nagriamel, with 869 votes.

In the Santo Urban constituency, the MANH party —seen basically as a French planters’ and businessman’s parly, but described by Jimmy Stevens as “pikinini blong Nagriamel” again combined with Nagriamel. George Cronsteadt of this alliance won the “French” seat from the National Party candidate, Philibert de Montgremier, with results of 770 to 706. However, Mary Gilu of the National Party regained her “British” seat with an increased majority over Charles Beetham (MANH/Nagriamel), 690 votes to 578 votes.

The elections were not without inci dent. In the week before polling day there were repeated threats and minor incidents against National Party residents of Santo town, and one ma jor fight resulting in the conviction of 13 Tabwemasana supporters. The two residencies were subsequently forced to increase security measures in Santo town, appeal on Radio Vila for peace

and calm, and investigate politically motivated dismissals of several workers. Later, results ol the rural elections were delayed for more than a week because, according to a com munique of the two Resident Com missioners, “a polling station at Tabwemol, in a remote part of the island, could not be opened, as all of the registered electors there refused to vole.”

After rejecting the possibility of polling officers returning there to make a second attempt to open the polling station, the communique con cluded ominously: “It will be for the competent authorities to decide, if the occasion arises, whether any irregularities have taken place.” The possibility of a repealed invalidation does not bear thinking about . . .

Despite the loss of de Montgremier, the results reaffirm the National Par ty’s solid base of support. And while the means by which the end-product was achieved are questionable to say the least, it is perhaps fitting in a democracy that the Nagriamel move ment should be represented by Stevens in the Assembly. Vet questions of democracy appear somewhat irrelevant in a country where an elected assembly is deemed “representative” when more than 20% of its membership is derived from “economic interests . . .”

What clearly emerges from the re election episode is that the opposition to the National Party is by no means united with or without the assistance of the French administra tion. The UCNH party seen very much as Vila-based and pro-French administration tried hard to form a united front alliance in Santo, but failed.

The interesting question now must be what degree of co-operation will there be between New Hebrideans in the Representative Assembly?

Crucial for the future of the New Hebrides will be whether New Hebrideans from the different parties can forget differences fostered by the false divisions between British and French, and work together in their own interests, sloughing off partisan foreign influence and vested interests.