Hammer Blows From An

Nails in the colonial coffin

Angry New Hebridean

From GRACE MERA in Suva

There was never any justice in the Con dominium of the New Hebrides. The European presence has never been just.

Black-birding (slavery South-Seas-style) was unjust, the Condominium take-over by Britain and France was unjust, as colonialism of any form is unjust.

Christian missions too, unwittingly or otherwise, contributed to the injustices in flicted upon our people, the consequences of which we are still suffering today. Even now in 1976 some expatriates who have been recruited by the churches to work in our islands are helping themselves, not us.

As they begin to feel that time is running out they do anything to retain power. With all their so-called civilisation, higher learn-ing, intelligence, they never realise that they come and go but we live there and belong there. If we complain about their acts we have real cause to. They come and go one after another full of energy, zeal, and god-almighty high han dedness while, with each succeeding team of missionaries, we suffer mounting insults, maltreatment, and injustices which we are supposed to accept and appreciate in Christian meekness and humility.

This is true to colonial tradition. The government legislates while the missionary renders his interpretation of the Bible to create the necessary mentality for colonisation and colonialism.

Since November, 1974, there seemed to be a ray of hope that much-needed change might take place but that ray of hope is in grave danger of being blacked out by our ruling powers, Britain and France.

If it weren’t my country and my people I would consider it the greatest farce the South Pacific scene has to offer the rest of the world. British justice is the dirtiest joke; French etiquette you can bury in the museum of pre-history! This farce is our tragedy. British and French represen tatives manufacture the scripts in the Foreign Offices of London and Paris, the commissioners, agents and other personnel enact them from the urban centres in the New Hebrides while the rest of the world, the rest of humanity, is oblivious or in different.

Recent and current political events illustrate that the idea of a condominium

government not only induces pan demonium but is an acute hazard to the

indigenous population.

At a meeting between the British and French foreign ministers and their staffs in London in November, 1974, at which the specific issue of the New Hebrides situation was discussed for the first time in its, then, 68-year history, it was decided suffrage and a legislative body be formed.

They feared that the New Hebrides National Party, which is pro independence, might be successful in the elections beforehand in order to un dermine the real elections. In carrying this out they were consistently inconsistent as was evidenced by their self-contradictions and irregularities in the election procedures.

When the municipal elections showed that the foreigners had won they were very quick to broadcast the news all over the world as if these were major elections.

They very hurriedly held the municipal council’s inaugural meeting before the agreed time-lapse expired in order to cement the victory before leaks of voting irregularities and bribery, etc changed the situation.

The Representative Assembly elections were to follow in November. Before that.

major decisions were apparently post poned pending the outcome of Represen tative Assembly results. The foreign par ties, having money, transport, and other means, were sure they would win again.

Election results, however, showed that the New Hebrides National Party had a clear majority. This shocked the foreigners and their administration and the rever berations have not calmed yet as the ad ministration and the business sector do gymnastics trying to twist, turn, and generally destroy what could have been a step in the right direction the establish ment of a Representative Assembly.

Results of the Representative Assembly elections did not flash around the world the way results of the municipal council elections did.

Unlike the speedily-arranged meeting which followed the municipal council elections, the first meeting of the Representative Assembly has been put off indefinitely (six months to date, May 1976). The structure of the Represen tative Assembly was bad enough as it was with so many members appointed or chosen by special bodies and the chair manship retained by the two resident com missioners jointly. The four seats allocated to chiefs were not to be contested until af-

The only serious eruptions in the New Hebrides have been those from volcanoes like this one, Lopevi's 4,775 ft-high volcano, but political eruptions could shake the con dominium to its core. —Photo- Allan Holmes.

ter the main elections so that those elected could help to legitimately balance the National party supporters. The ad ministration now wants to increase the number of seats and choose the chiefs so that they can have people who will agree with them.

Is this justice? Every expatriate in the New Hebrides should be ashamed of him self to be party to such a system. If you're not against it, you’re for it. If that is what you call justice then you can betake your selves and your justice elsewhere. We, New Hebrideans, do not want anything to do with it.

You say we can never make it alone.

How do you know when you have never left us alone to find out? What country in

the world is totally independent anyway?

Not even Britain, France, Australia, New Zealand or any place. The colonial coun tries have been milking their colonies for hundreds of years and then their represen tatives have the impudence to turn around and tell us, “Your country is lacking natural resources”. Our country is not lacking in resources, our country has lots of natural resources.

The worst thing that can happen to the colons/colonialists is to leave us. They know it. That is why they are fighting to establish themselves more firmly in our country. They need us and our country.

They need our land. They need our

labour. They need employment. They

need the status they enjoy in the colonies.

They need their illusion of superiority.

They need a market for their goods. They need us any way we are.

We don’t need them the way they were nor the way they are now. We might ac cept them if they make up their minds and change their attitudes.

The National Party made two demands in an effort to set the Representative

Assembly in motion. The first was that the Assembly meet before April 20, 1976.

This would have, at least, minimised the government’s dithering and fumbling. The second was that the number of seats allocated to chiefs remain four instead of the presently proposed increase to eight This was an attempt to show some con sistency on the part of the administration.

Concerning the Assembly at least they

might keep some rules they make (for other people to keep).

The British and French governments in their condominium administration of the New Hebrides have, especially in the last 18 months illustrated beyond any doubt that they are incapable of running the New Hebrides.

Any institutions they might create can not work, cannot be effected; they are useless, because of their current and traditionally incestuous relationship with themselves when they should have in volved New Hebrideans.

On March 27, 1976, the National Party accompanied and supported their two demands with country-wide demon strations. These demonstrations were plan ned and the administrations, British and French were informed according to their regulations governing demonstrations.

Before the demonstrations, the French Resident Commissioner, his agents and their subordinates, collaborated with the leaders of the pro-white or planter initiated parties and then went around in structing their lackeys (New Hebrideans they have bought) to disrupt the demon strations and brutalise our people, in troducing violence on to the New Hebridean political scene, thanks very much to the British and French ad ministration. (And for that please get out!) In Santo, members of the Tambemasana party, half-castes, and Europeans/colons

waited for the demonstrators. The three groups were armed with sticks, stones, metal rods and guns. Then, according to their instructions they disrupted and beat up 54 of our people including women and children. Women had their clothes torn off them. The colonialist thugs wore white headbands so they could be easily iden tified by their fellows in the ensuing chaos.

The Tambemasana people were actively incited by the colons into this behaviour.

The colons and the administration, in the specific person of the French Resident Commissioner and his colleagues and subordinates no less, hoped that when their followers used stones, sticks and iron rods on the demonstrators the demon strators would retaliate which would have caused all-out fighting, so they, the whites, in the safety of their cars and storefront windows and doorways could then, at leisure, take systematic pot-shots at the National Party people as their own followers would be easily identified by their white head-bands. Some whites did get into the fray. One inflicted head injuries on the Anglican priest in charge of Santo.

However, this plan too failed miserably and exposed the colons and their ad ministration for what they are to the eyes of all in New Hebrides and the world. The National Party supporters did not retaliate because they knew that their brother New Hebrideans, who were beating them up, were helpless puppets in the hands of the colons and the administration; that those New Hebrideans were being mercilessly used by their white leaders, that in the final analysis the white leaders would reject those New Hebrideans Just as aggressively as they are presently opposing the National Party.

Instead the demonstrators refrained from retaliating and picked up the chant, ‘Peace is powerful' and that peace-fellow

This picture of Vila showing the new sea-wall with Irririki island in the foreground was taken recently by Allan Holmes.

New Hebrideans is powerful.

The French administration conveniently advised their police force not to patrol the stieets on this occasion to better facilitate their planned disorder. They brought the mobile guard over from New Caledonia and left them sucking their thumbs in Vila when they knew the trouble would be in Santo.

The French and their supporters wanted an excuse to massacre our people but once more they underestimated our intelligence and determination.

Peace is powerful. That is our line. We want peace. The condominium presence in the New Hebrides does not equate with peace. Colonialism is a violence. The in volvement of saboteurs in the New Hebrides, incitement to riot, bribery, the use of force by the administration are violent acts. The administration stands for violence. We do not want violence, we want peace. The only way for the present condominium government to go is OUT!

The demonstration of peace that the National Party supporters displayed in Santo during the disruption of their or derly and purposeful demonstration was indicative of the National Party’s and the New Hebridean peoples’ political maturity, strength of will, determination, discipline, unity, in their desire to end colonialism in the New Hebrides.

The struggle is on. There is no turning back!

It is now more than six months since the Representative Assembly was elected. The inaugural meeting has not been held and a possible date has not even been discussed.

The British and French in New Hebrides, their nationals, and all perpetrators of colonialism know that if the Represen tative Assembly does meet with a National Party majority, and exercises its power to legislate, each piece of legislation enacted will be another nail in the colonial coffin (and they certainly fear death physically and figuratively). We realise the odds against us. We are determined to strive for peace and justice in the New Hebrides.

The British and French resident com missioners have pressured their metropolitan governments to reject the National Party’s two demands. The two resident commissioners have informed the people that London and Paris insist that there must be eight custom chiefs in the

Representative Assembly. Presumably

London and Paris, with the help of their Administration, will choose the custom chiefs. What the hell, may I ask, do the British and French in London and Paris know about the customs of 110 different cultures in the New Hebrides and who can legitimately be considered a custom chief when even the whites who are in New Hebrides don’t even know?

The Europeans who have at all bothered to learn the rudimentaries of one

language or other of the 110 languages extant can be counted on the fingers of one hand. Many expatriates simply exist in New Hebrides as part of the exploitative structure. They don’t know what’s going on; they don’t even attempt to find out, and for that reason they are a menace to the country.

The British and French colonial administrations are in league with these elements, allowing themselves to be heavily influenced by them, which explains why some of the administrations’ decisions are ridiculously stupid. The metropolitan colonial offices aside, the resident commissioners are forever playing political games at the expense of the country's welfare. Time is running out. The present administration must go.

The National Party deplored the violence and the inactivity of the British and French police to maintain order. They accused the British of passively following the French and the French of actively inciting people to riot and sowing the seeds of discontent and disorder, creating trouble for the country. The two resident commissioners thought that as usual they would talk themselves out of the accusations and laugh off the incident. The French Resident Commissioner denied the accusation and said that, furthermore, it was impossible as the National Party had no proof. Members of the National Party executive proceeded to inform him, in detail, his exact movements and activities prior to the March 27 demonstration. The March 27 violence was a direct result of these government activities. That is why the French police did not patrol the streets. The British police were there but took no action because they did not want

to offend the French (while 54 innocent, unarmed people were beaten up). No ac tion has since been taken following this outbreak of violence, According to one government officer, when individuals commit crimes the police can take action but when political parties are involved then the police cannot take any action because it is a political act.

Which means that, according to the British and French administrations in the New Hebrides, if members of one party or par ties decide to annihilate the members of another party or parties then it is perfectly all right because the blanket label of Political Activity gives it immunity to

police action.

We urge the British and French ad ministration to stop playing games in our country, risking our people’s lives, and the general welfare of our country. If they must play their games go and play them in London and Paris with their own people in their own environment and leave us in peace to run our own affairs. We know better what’s good for us.

British and French initiative in and sup port of violence and their inactivity or failure to restore order has produced (to this date) a deplorable state where in dividuals could take the law into their ()W n hands. If violence does break out again the British and French con dominium administration will be totally

responsible,

The British and French have the might „f western technology on their side. We, the indigenous populace of the New Hebrides, have determination, a will, a spirit. Our struggle is on. We are not tur ning back!