Png's Improvement

Writing The Rules For

Of the eight aims of the Improve ment Plan for Papua New Guinea, the two central and crucial ones are (i) a rapid increase in the proportion of the economy under control of New Guinean individuals and groups, and in the proportion of personal and property income that goes to New Guineans, and (ii) a more self-reliant economy, less dependent for its needs on imported goods and services and better able to meet the needs of its people through local production.

By now, the tremendous difficulties in transforming the capitalist, colonial dual economy into an egalitarian, tradition-respecting one have been re cognised by most people concerned about the new nation’s future. New Guineans and foreigners involved in the detailed planning and implementa tion have to tackle many problems, eg, how people, whose vision rarely extends beyond their village, can be persuaded to think and act as citizens of one large political entity, how the rules and machinery of judiciary, bureaucracy, education system, com mercial conduct and, in fact, of just about every aspect of life can be changed to make possible the achieve ment of the aims of the Plan.

To illustrate but one of the prob lems, namely that of changing the economic structure: about 90 per cent of manufacturing and almost as much of building and construction are in foreign hands, the islanders have practically no share in finance and banking, and there are far too few islanders with industrial or com mercial skills and experience.

For some time to come, New Guineans will have to continue using the skills and experience of foreigners.

It is, therefore, good to have Alterna tive Strategies for Papua New Guinea, which consists of essays by a number of foreign academics and senior bureaucrats who have influenced or are taking part in the drawing up of

the Improvement Plan. They have, rightly, eschewed telling New Guineans what ought to be done— partly because what is good for Canberra or Tokyo or Washington is not necessarily so for Konedobu, and, partly, because every one of the contributors has been long enough in the country to appreciate that only those who truly belong to its culture can fully understand the neople’s needs and decide how those needs are to be met.

The value of the essays lies in their defining some of the problems and in listing a number of possible solutions. The core problem is the current lack of national awareness and consequent absence of national unity.

It is not only a stumbling block in the path to greater productivity, the sine qua non of meeting the people’s expectations of more schools, more

hospitals, better infrastructure, higher incomes, and a rising standard of iiving, but it also bedevils the internal and external security of the new date.

It is no wonder that, in the light Df the goings-on in the House of As jembly since 1964 and of humbling jecessionism in several parts of the :ountry, not one of the contributors :o this book believes that the West ninster-style democracy set up by \ustralia will survive.

This reviewer will shed no tears if t does not, as long as the political itructure and the way in which the leople are governed pay respect to he individual’s human dignity. It is : airly certain that the bulk of the country’s population, namely sub listence farmers, small cash croppers md their families, are more con fined with having full bellies than he franchise.

In A Foreign Policy for an Indepen lent Papua New Guinea, James jriffin summarises the proceedings of 1 seminar held at Port Moresby in 1972, and he provides a very useful ntroduction to the domestic scene vhich is, of course, inseparable from breign affairs.

Papua New Guinea cannot escape he influence and power of the ’acific Rim nations, the United hates, Japan and Australia, and it nay well have to cope with a less luiescent situation west of the Sepik md Fly rivers. It is helpful that a tatement on future relations between Australia and New Guinea, by Pea cock (1972) and Labor’s plan for *apua New Guinea, by Whitlam 1970) are appended to the text.

And even more useful is the nclusion of a submission dealing with *apua New Guinea vis-a-vis Japan, >y the former Department of External ferritories to the Australian Senate handing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence (1972). Kan ;aroo and Emu are still top of the >atting in a long innings, but Rising hin may take their place on the list.— iarry Jackman.

(Alternative Strategies For

>APUA NEW GUINEA, ed by A. Clunies loss and J. Langmore 1973. Oxford Jniversity Press, 7 Bowen Crescent, Mel lourne, hard cover $9.75, paperback $5.95.)

(A Foreign Policy For An

Ndependent Papua New Guinea,

d by J. Griffin 1974. Angus & Robertson. 02 Glover Street, Cremorne, Sydney, Lustralia. Hard cover $5.95, paperback 3.95.)