Caledonians Say A Careful No'

To The Autonomists

New Caledonia Diary With Helen Rousseau

September was a very sporting month for the Caledonians: there was the eleven-day cycling “Tour de Caledonie” around the island; boxers flew from Australia and Tonga; the Caledonian soccer team played in New Zealand, while the decisive round was con tested in the territory’s “politball” championship.

The outcome of the final match did not give an outright victory to either side, although it was obvious that the anti-autonomists had increased their strength since the 1967 vote. The new Territorial Assembly elected on September 10, actually resulted in an almost identical division to the outgoing one: 17 members in favour of autonomy, 16 declared anti-auto nomists, with two anti-autonomists who are nevertheless closer to the autonomists on social issues.

The main lines of the election campaign were set by August 20, when the nomination of candidates revealed eight main groups con testing 35 seats, with no less than 11 rival lists in the southern elec torate, around Noumea. Campaign posters began to appear on the official billboards while party sup porters travelled the length and breadth of the island, making personal contacts and holding small public meetings.

It was a busy time for the gendarmes too, as they called on families of autonomist candidates and checked the identity of those putting up autonomist posters.

The autonomist parties generally avoided open criticism of each other, even though they had slightly different policies over how to implement internal self-govern ment. In the anti-autonomist camp, however, there was bitter rivalry over cutting up the enlarged Caledonian nickel cake: the EDS party of Messrs Laroque and

Lafleur strongly attacked their former “Entente” coalition allies in Georges Chatenay’s Union Democratique.

The Laroque-Lafleur group finally won six seats, with four going to Chatenay. The third anti autonomist group, MLC, led by outgoing President Jean Leques, won five seats and the Melanesian AICLF obtained one.

In the autonomist camp, Maurice Lenormand, founder of the Union Caledonienne, made a political comeback after eight years to lead the party and win 12 seats. This was their strength in the outgoing Assembly: due to intervening splits, the party had been severely cut back from the 22 seats it won in the 1967 elections.

The Union Multiraciale, led by Yann Celene Uregei, won 5 seats all held by Melanesians.

Gerald Rousseau (Union Civique) was not returned, despite an aggressive campaign warning against the elimination of Cale donians from responsible positions and proposing a comprehensive legal reform of the political statutes.

Rousseau’s former colleague, Alain Bemut (MPC), was return ed with two seats. Bernut may now hold the balance of power, since his campaign was not direc ted for or against autonomy: although he has previously voted against autonomy, his social policy is closer to that of the auto nomists.

The swing against autonomy was registered in the predominately European electorate around Noumea: among 18,662 registered voters, only four out of 16 seats went to the autonomists. By con trast, on the three island and inland electorates, where most of the Melanesians live, 27,687 voters are registered and 13 out

of 19 seats went to the auto nomists.

Autonomists leader Lenormand was quoted in the local Press as saying he was satisfied with the result, considering the financial means used against his party, as well as the open political inter vention of the Administration. He also said he could not take the vote as an expression of the Cale donian majority when anti-auto nomists lists were supported by temporary residents (i.e. mainly metropolitan French) and by military men disembarked in Noumea at the eleventh hour.

The Union Caledonienne later announced it was contesting the election results over the eligibility of certain voters.

Whatever is said, however, it must be noted that even the so called "workers” at the SLN nickel factory voted for the “capitalists” of the EDS, UD and MLC. The well-paid nickel men are a special category of “workers” however; with their cars, boats, overseas holidays and apartments to-let, they are already “mini capitalists” themselves.

It seems that economic issues played a more vital part in the Caledonian elections than any political ideology; some workers afterwards claimed they were “autonomists” but they voted for the kind of men they believe can go to Paris and obtain the develop ment money the territory needs.

So, more important than any ideological struggle for internal self-government, is the Cale donian desire to have continued support from France to maintain the island’s infrastructure pro grammes and support the locals’ living standards.

In this regard, the Caledonians lack confidence that the territory over

Lenormand's political comeback

could be self-sufficient. They ap pear quite ready to forsake certain liberty of decision and leave to Paris the responsibility of direct ing certain territorial affairs.

The French Administration will still remain the popular target it has always been for local grievances. However, the popula tion has chosen to elect to the Territorial Assembly men who can come to a working agreement with the French departmental heads, rather than to vote for men who could provoke open confrontation.

The electors had a wide span of political proposals to choose from, through the elected ministers advocated by the Union Cale donienne; a federal system with status like Hawaii in the USA (Union Cifique); decentralisation and greater power to the Governor’s Council {Conseil de Gouvernement ) proposed by the UD and MLC; or keeping all the way with the mother country and giving the governor some of the powers now held by Paris public servants (EDS). This last policy could eventually lead to New Caledonia being treated as a departement of France.

An interesting feature of the electoral campaign was that all parties insisted reforms are needed.

But to one side the word “auto nomic” spelt fear, uncertainty and adventure, and however close their aspirations might be, they chose the word “decentralisation” which Governor Louis Verger, from the beginning, had indicated was more acceptable.

Of course, there were not only political parties and electors at work during the campaign period.

The French nickel company SLN launched a new paper within a month of polling day. The com pany turned the twice-weekly Bul letin du Commerce into an evening daily—Noumea-Soir, with a team of six journalists working to produce this 16-page paper.

The SLN also has a controlling interest in the territory’s oldest morning daily—La France Aus trale—which is operated by 14 journalists. The SLN Press generally avoids local contro versies and underlines the efforts France is making to develop the territory.

During the week before the elections the SLN also began to

move the first Wallisian workers out of unsavoury barracks besides the factory and into the apart ments and row-houses recently completed for 166 SLN workers behind the Riviere Salee area.

The Administration was also on its toes. After the extensive island and inland tours made before the elections by Governor Louis Verger, the Administration pro duced a soccer team led by the governor, to play two public matches against the Noumea City Council, led by mayor and EDS leader, Roger Laroque. The second match was played two nights before election day.

In the Education Department, retiring head Mr R. Delpias, held a Press meeting in which he out lined the very real progress made in educational facilities in the ter ritory and also spoke of the project to build a university in Noumea.

This university was first promised bv General de Gaulle, during his 1966 visit to Noumea.

The French have not yet been able to realise this dream, but the Caledonian Press pointed out that one of its primary objectives would be to spread French culture around the Pacific and counter balance the neighbouring Anglo- Saxon universities.

Other reassuring news came through from Paris. On the day before the elections, Caledonians were advised that the French Government had decided to indemnify to the extent of some $A250,000, the losses suffered by six regional French vessels, victims of the recent two-month boycott imposed by Australian and New Zealand dock workers.

At the same time, on the political front, Prime Minister Pierre Messmer was quoted as promising the French people a greater decentralisation away from Paris control.

Back home in Noumea, pressure was applied to speed up develop ment works and the impressive new system of by-passes and over head roadways finally came into operation at the Ducos intersection.

Caledonians can now really feel they live in a big town, as they drive along the intricate new road network. However, work on the project, begun in May, 1970, is not yet finished and has lagged far behind the planned 1971 com pletion date.

Governor Louis Verger, in his recent island tours, has emphasised the need for funds to continue the territory’s infrastructure development. Since other ways are not permitted, loan demands are always addressed to French and Common Market agencies.

With the current nickel recession, the territorial budget already by June faced a SAIO million deficit on this year’s planned expen diture of some SBO million. Cut backs in spending then became necessary, as the Caledonian budget must balance each year.

The new Assembly faces tough decisions over the new budget it must debate this session, while the nickel crisis continues. Under the present laws, most territorial revenue is derived from tax im posed on imports and exports (99 per cent, of which is nickel).

President of the SLN nickel company, Baron Guy de Rothschild, already told company shareholders in June that the Caledonian fiscal system, taxing nickel exports irrespective of his company’s profit or loss, was grossly unfair. He claimed the SLN was the “most heavily taxed company in the western world” (In 1971 the SLN paid a total of SAI7 million in various Cale donian taxes).

Rothschild thus told his French shareholders, “Be assured, ladies and gentlemen, all of us here will spare no effort to convince the authorities and public opinion in New Caledonia and metropolitan France that this state of affairs is an economic freak”. Mr Messmer, not then French Prime Minister, was to echo this tax problem during his May visit to Noumea.

The Caledonians have voted for men who have the best relations with France, but they know that the French taxpayer and the SLN cannot be counted on forever to supply funds: the introduction of income tax in New Caledonia ap pears inevitable.

So there has been only restrained jubilation over the anti autonomist gain in strength. The first decisions of the new As sembly, scheduled to meet from September 26 to discuss the new budget, will indicate how the seven groups will divide their power structure.