Commentary

elated Awakening In

he Colonial Office

N issuing a warning that Fiji soon must move on to a greater easure of self-government, and ould prepare itself accordingly, overnor Sir Kenneth Maddocks erely gives official voice to some ing seen and discussed years ago r non-official folk. There is nothing iw in it.

But what is disconcerting is the mtinuing inability of the British Gonial Office—for one presumes at Sir Kenneth is its mouthpiece— prepare the Fijian communities r the pending, inevitable change.

The Colonial Office, in these rst-war years, has a heartbreaking cord of failure to prepare colonial oples adequately for self-govern ent. Unless something positive, d skilled, and imaginative—of lich there is no sign—is done soon, ji will be added to the unhappy t.

“I am aware that the Fijians are prehensive that any major change the status quo will be detrimental their interests,” said His :cellency.

Of course he is aware of it. So every adult person in the Colony, le younger Fijians leaders, a year o. left us in no doubt where they md.

“If the present system is to be anged by the British,” they said, effect, “then the British must hand ck to the Fijians the powers [rendered to them in 1874.”

But what has the Colonial Office ne about it? Nothing, except ack platitudes, and change its inisters and its Pacific Section top icials with bewildering frequency.

The Fijians are the friends and ill-wishers of the British. They >uld welcome consultation and re jurance at the highest level. They ve been treated like children.

The Indians, whose establishment Fiji is the major embarrassing :tor in a difficult situation, are in sense hostile to the British; and ;y also seek consultation and re jurance by Whitehall. They have nerally been ignored.

Both Fijians and Indians, in a litical sense, now are grown up. »th communities can contribute mething helpful to a solution of ; problem of Fiji’s future.

But, after 15 years of Colonial

Office fumbling, the Fijians and the Indians—as well as the Europeans who, sensing urgency, have tried repeatedly to get some intelligent action—feel a sense of frustration, and a growing fear of the future.

The community leaders should have been brought together years ago, and encouraged U study the common problems presented by any move towards self-government, and given the opportunity to find com promise on difficulties that now seem insurmountable. But nothing of that kind was done —and there still is no sign of anything practical being done.

All we are told is that “Mr. N. T.

L. Fisher, MC, Under-Secretary of State”, is coming out soon from London to look the Fiji situation over. What qualifications has he got for assessing administration problems like those associated with Fiji, Mauritius, and similar small, multi racial colonies?

No politician or bureaucrat, no matter how well-intentioned, should be allowed to fumble around with Fiji’s major problem unless and un til he knows the history of the Fijian race, and all that it implies.

The more complex the little colonies’ political and economic problems become, and the greater the call for an expert understanding of racial psychology, the more the products of the sheltered British Colonial Office are certain they have all the answers. In point of fact, as the events of the decade have shown, there are few classes more completely divorced from realities.

Why do not Fiji’s communities get together and give the Colonial Office a lead?

New Guinea In Need of

Public Relations

THE New Guinea residents who are angry at the type of publicity New Guinea has been getting in the Australian newspapers lately have reason to protest. Much of what is claimed to be “objective” report ing is more often than not a mess

of half-baked personal prejudices

wrapped up in a sensational head line.

This stuff is not the work of regu lar P-NG journalists. It is the specialty of the “glamour” writers of the mainland trade; the “man-on-the spot” men; the red-hot reporters who are flown anywhere at the drop of

a hat, and depart 24 hours later amid the crash of dropped bricks.

Their pieces are written in stark terms of black and white. There are no half-tones.

They make wild predictions for the future, but their pace is so fast and furious that they can’t stop in their verbal panic to look back and compare today’s New Guinea with yesterday’s, and so measure the re markable progress achieved.

Their stuff could be dismissed as something-nothing, designed as mere entertainment, if not for the fact that it is doing New Guinea and Australia a grave disservice. If it continues unchallenged it will help more than anything to deliver New Guinea into the hands of the enemy.

The affairs of New Guinea today need responsible reporting. They need honest interpretation by balanced writers.

New Guinea is a country in transition, where facts can be found to fit any preconceived notion a visitor cares to bring in with him.

From an objective, competent observer New Guinea has nothing to fear. The record is there, of economic and political progress and progress in human understanding.

The pointers for the future are bright, not evil; but sense, not stupidity, is needed.

New Guinea organisations should accept the counsel of Tom Ellis and appoint their own Press officer to help straighten the record.

A New NG Campaign

For Indonesia?

THE aggressive hate campaign, culminating in virtual war, which enabled Indonesia to get its hands on West New Guinea, left no doubt in the minds of most P-NG people about the kind of neighbour the Territory was getting. Any who had had any doubt left must have lost it as a result of Indonesia’s new cam paign to own West New Guinea by December 31, despite its agreement. (See p. 16).

What now? Will Indonesians in West New Guinea now launch a propaganda campaign across the Australian border, directed at the native people, inviting them to “join with their Papuan brothers to make the whole island of New Guinea one, and throw out colonialism”? Will there be infiltrations, organised by the Indonesian communists so that President Soekarno may officially look the other way?

How long have we, President Soekarno, before P-NG is where the Dutch were a few months ago?