A New Phase in New Guinea.
pp. 5-6 · Read in the full issue
An Executive and a Legislative Council officially began to function in the Mandated Territory of New Guinea on May 1. The new Legislative Council was formally opened on May 9, in Rabaul, by Major Marr, representing the Prime Minister of Australia.
The difference between the new system and the old is precisely the difference between Tweedledum and Tweedledee. Formerly, the Administrator, subject to the direction of the Commonwealth Government, exer cised complete authority and power; and was assisted, if necessary, by an advisory council of his chief officers. To-day, the Administrator must consult with both the Legislative Council and the Executive Coun cil regarding the Territory’s affairs; but, subject to the Federal Cabinet, he still has full authority to do as he thinks best, quite irrespective of anything the two councils may think, say or do.
Many people have received the impression that representative government has been established in New Guinea. That is not so. Seven representative men of New Guinea have been selected by the Administrator to join eight leading officials, to form the Legislative Council; but the non-official representatives are out numbered by the official members of the Council—and, in any event, the Administrator is not bound to accept the Council’s decisions. On the Executive Council, which is much closer to the Administrator, there are
only one or two direct representatives of the people: the remainder are officials. In 99 cases out of 100, the Administrator will follow the advice of these councils.
But he is under no obligation to do so. He is just as much of an autocrat now as he ever was.
It is not suggested that this is a bad system. On the contrary, we think it an excellent system —much better than the “democratic” Parliaments, elected on an adult franchise, which have brought contempt and derision upon the majority of Australian Govern ments. The whole world is beginning to realise that the only way to secure orderly and honest government, with justice and freedom for all classes, is to place dictatorial power in the hands of one great man. The dictator is not always easy to find —the search is even now proceeding in most countries —but he is not more rare than is an honest and capable Government, secured by the operation of machine politics on an adult franchise.
In New Guinea (as elsewhere) everything depends upon the calibre of the man selected to exercise the authority of an autocrat over three-quarters of a million natives and many thousands of Europeans and Chinese. So far, Australia has been fortunate in securing men of outstanding ability to rule over Papua and New Guinea. Brigadier-General Griffiths, now Administrator of New Guinea, is almost the ideal
man for the job, combining great strength and firm ness with much wisdom and tolerance. It is far better that such a man, while selecting his own non-official, representative Councillors, should retain the right to speak the last word, than that the Territory should be torn by periodical general elections, and by intrigues and fights within the popular chamber.
It is a safe prediction that the new system will work well in New Guinea, and that the establishment of the two new councils will mark the beginning of a new era of progress. Although the Legislative Council has no mandatory power, it is nevertheless substantially representative of New Guinea interests and institu tions; and, under General Griffiths, it is certain that its discussions and decisions will be taken very seriously. It is an excellent thing that private enter prise should be encouraged to exploit and develop this enormously rich Territory: and that, we think, will be the main difference between the new regime and the old.
The rapid growth of the Morobe gold industry is definitely putting New Guinea “on the map”; and it is a safe prediction that the success of the mining enterprise will be followed by quick development of the Territory's other resources. There is plenty of capital available; New Guinea’s possibilities already have been well advertised; and it is certain that, as the economic trouble passes and markets become assured and stabilised, eager men and new money will pour into the Territory. That is going to create new and difficult problems for the Administration: and it is here that the Administrator will find most valuable the knowledge and advice of the experienced men of the Legislative Council.
There is another very ugly problem coming before
the Administration—if it is not already there. That is the problem of German penetration of the Ter ritory, and German hopes for the “return of German colonies. There must be no weakening in this regard.
The whole world holds out a welcoming hand to the new, proud, re-vitalised Germany, and gladly will assist the Germans back to their rightful place among the nations. But that does not mean that Germany can seek the return of her colonies, and thus escape the last of the punishment the world imposed on her for causing the catastrophe of 1914-18. Economic laws, as we have seen, have allowed her to dodge the monetary penalty: it would be a crime against humanity if she escaped also the territorial penalty.
New Guinea must remain a British possession.
If that is agreed—and none can deny the funda mental justice of it—then the New Guinea Legislative Council can quite fairly apply itself to a consideration of the manner in which German influences are trying to fasten a new grip on New Guinea. The spearhead of the German thrust undoubtedly is the N.D.L. shipping service—the vessels which now run down from China on a regular schedule and, by courteous and eager service and a determination to undersell British shipping lines at every point, are steadily boring into the trade and transport structure of the Territory. This matter has been discussed many times: there is no need to cover the ground again.
Suffice it to say that the problem is urgent. If New Guinea is to be regarded as British Territory, the Commonwealth Government and the new Legislative Council must promptly face this question of foreign shipping, and see to it that German ships operate in New Guinea under the same general laws and regula tions as apply to foreign shipping in other parts of the British Empire.