Pim Opinion

Resistance to Indonesian rule in West Irian precedes the day the former Dutch colony was handed over to Jakarta by a consortium of foreign political interests. Despite very firm, even brutal, application of Indonesian control, this resistance is expected to continue for some time. It is also thought unlikely to make very much difference to Jakarta, although its effects will muddy the waters in other countries, in particular Papua New Guinea, where people have a strong filial feeling with such as Mr James Nyaro, self-styled president of the Free West Papua movement (OPM).

Melanesians represent the largest ethnic grouping in the Pacific Islands, and they have, mainly in Fiji and Papua New Guinea, the greatest economic, and therefore political, potential, although in absolute terms it is not yet very great. They see the West Irian question in an ethnic way which Jakarta, and the United Nations membership or, at least, those who think about it, find inconvenient.

The United Nations believes that the colonialism question in West Irian was decided in 1969 when the Indonesians took over the former Dutch East Indies territories. “The colonialism question has been resolved; it is no longer an issue,” they say.

But, as the result of what, at very least, must be accepted as a difference of opinion on that point, there are now at least 8000 West Irianese refugees camped in Papua New Guinea. This flood is the direct consequence of Indonesian army activity against supporters of the OPM.

It may be that this suits the Indonesians who have been annexing great tracts of Melanesian land, frequently it seems, without proper compensation, to give to Javanese and other immigrants under the transmigration program which has moved hundreds of thousands of people from the jam-packed acres of Islamic Indonesia and dumped them into the remote, and sparsely-populated jungles of largely Christian Melanesia.

There is a rebel movement of which Mr Nyaro claims to be the head, the “president of the government of Free West Papua.” He and his “defence minister” claim several thousand followers.

Others say their numbers are in hundreds at most. They have few weapons, they have been made nomadic because of Indonesian Army sweeps against them, and they say their lives are very much at risk; indeed that many of their number have been killed.

But if the Indonesian army continues to hunt down the OPM by beating up Melanesian villagers, as they have been doing, then

Melanesian resentment, and the OPM’s numbers will grow, as will the tide of refugees into PNG. Their greatest effect so far has been to gravely embarrass their leading cousin, Mr Michael Somare of Papua New Guinea, whose constituents cannot see why he does not do more to recognise and redress the wrongs done to their kin across that inconvenient and unnatural border.

Mr Nyaro, in a long interview published in this issue, concedes that his military strength is slight but says that he and his followers will continue to fight until they control their own country. As things stand in the world, and at the United Nations, Mr Nyaro is not likely to win much more than what interest he can stir in the media, and in the hearts of humanitarians. Even the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees appears powerless to intervene. The refugees themselves say they dare not return to their side of the border for fear of dreadful reprisals by the Indonesians. Their fears are genuine, and probably well-enough based. The Indonesian government has asked for a list of names to be assembled. The refugees say this means Jakarta wants a hit-list but, more likely, it represents prevarication. Why buy back trouble? reasons Jakarta.

But Mr Somare must also be careful, for to appear to carelessly push his brother Melanesians back into the jaws of death or even lesser retribution, would bring a hornets’ nest down upon his head.

Thus, while PNG has said it will assemble the required list of names and assist the return to normal business in all directions, they so far have only one man detailed to discover and write down nearly 8000 names, many of which, on paper, will look pretty much like a lot of others.

It is the plight of these refugees which at once is the most poignant and the most politically difficult. So long as they remain on the border they offer an embarrassment to Mr Somare, but any move by him to push them back will cause even more trouble. In the end they may just have to stay where they are, on some sort of internationally-funded handout, until the heat of the situation cools and they gradually filter back to their own.

The main problem is that the Indonesians do not properly recognise the very particular place land has in Melanesian culture and, using their solidiers, are running roughshod over very sensitive and ages-old matters. If the administration in Jakarta and Jayapura were to be less dictatorial in their approach, and a great deal more sensitive, then, finally, a generation or two from now, the situation might resolve itself.