Bombs, bribery
pp. 10-76 · Read in the full issue
and ballots in New Hebrides
On November 16, when the re sults of the first general election in the New Hebrides were announced, tears formed in the eyes of the old people on the small island of Tongoa. For November 16 is the anniversary of the death of a High Chief of Tongoa who. 60 years pre viously, had refused to adopt either the British or French flag, and had been exiled from his home island as punishment. On this day, his grandson, Kenneth Tariliu, represent ing the New Hebrides National Party, had taken 91 per cent of the votes for his constituency, thereby partially avenging his grandfather’s humiliation, and assuring himself of a seat in the new Representative Assembly.
The elections were one of the most exciting events in recent Pacific history, surrounded as they were by demonstrations, accusations of bri bery and corruption, terrorism and even a home-made bomb.
They were seen by some as a major power struggle between the indigenous New Hebrideans wanting to control their own land and Euro peans with a vested interest in main taining the status quo.
European interest in the islands revolves around the land—36 per cent is owned by predominantly- French plantation owners—and the fact of the New Hebrides being a tax-haven where banks and foreign firms can operate without paying taxes. Little revenue from this foreign involvement in the country benefits the New Hebrideans, and there are still labourers earning only SA2O-30 per month for working on copra plantations. Naturally, such a situation produces tension.
But, there is a wider perspective to the struggle. It is common know ledge that Britain would like to be rid of another expensive colony, and without France’s presence would en courage early independence for the New Hebrides. France, however, with her nuclear-testing facility in Polynesia, and the very rich nickel deposits in New Caledonia (40 per cent of the “free world” reserves), has a lot to lose in the Pacific. In dependence in the New Hebrides
would encourage independence in her other colonies—a process which France wants to avoid at all costs.
The result has been a display of some of the worst of Western poli tical behaviour. Realising that the National Party with its demand for independence by 1977, was the only really viable political force, and that in the normal course of events other parties would very likely have united with it, the French administration and planters did everything possible to encourage opposition to the National Party.
A helicopter and two planes were hired from New Caledonia to “do a cattle survey”. Ignoring the usual customs and immigration formalities of landing first in Vila, this mystery squadron immediately started propa gandising in the outer islands.
Some people are asking how the French High Commissioner from New Caledonia came to be on board . . . Exploiting the lohn Frum cargo-cult belief on Tanna, in the south of the group, it is reported that two vehicles were offered as bribes to get UCNH votes. In an other area, a motor launch was ap parently offered, which the people took, but promptly voted for the National Party! There is evidence, too, that pro-UCNH rallies were bought with French money.
As far as the administration is concerned, no one has explained why a regulation was changed on the day of the election, and back dated to allow seven UTA plane loads of people from New Caledonia to come and vote in Vila—perhaps it is not surprising that UCNH domi nated the Vila constituency, winning all six seats.
To add to this outside manipu lation, the very organisation of elec tion details by the joint administra tion can be strongly criticised. The assembly comprises three sections: Representatives of the People (29 seats); of the Chiefs (four seats); and of the Economic Interests (nine seats) —a total of 42. The “Economic Interests” section reserves six seats of the Chamber of Commerce (three British and three French), represent ing about 400 people, while the co-
operative movement, representing 75,000 rural New Hebrideans, only has three representatives—hardly a model of democratic representation.
Similar disproportions in favour of the urban-European population are evident in the “Representatives of the People” section. Relative to the urban and rural population of the New Hebrides (18.5 per cent and 81.5 per cent respectively), the num ber of rural seats in the assembly should be four times the number of urban seats. In fact, Vila and Santo urban constituencies are allocated a total of nine seats, leaving only 20 rural seats.
In the light of these odds, it is per haps remarkable that the National Party, with no experience of elec tions, and with little finance, man aged to do so well. Basing their campaign on people-to-people con tact, with some candidates taking two months unpaid leave to work in their constituencies, they gained 59.5 per cent of the votes; 17 out of the 29 “Peoples” seats in the assembly. Together with the Chiefs and Economic Interests sections, the National Party should have an effec tive majority in the Assembly— especially considering that two of the successful UCNH candidates from the rural areas have reportedly already said that they do not want to attend the assembly as they were “put up to it” by UCNH.
It is perhaps the knowledge that they have well and truly lost the latest round that is making the oppo sition desperate. After a victory march through Vila by about 1,500 National Party supporters on Nov ember 22, a Molotov cocktail was thrown at the home of the only Frenchman to have stood for the National Party, who was also the
• Continued on p 74
• The National Party's victory march in Vila.
only European to have joined the march.
These terror tactics are matched by panic in the banks: it has been reported that in a period of two days after the elections, SA6 million left the country. Judging by their past behaviour, there is little doubt that French interests will continue to excite emotions and create a fear of the future among both the Euro pean and Melanesian communities by spreading rumours similar to the current, quite-unfounded, one that the National Party intends kicking out all whites as soon as it gets into power. All this to delay the dominoes of independence for the French Pacific territories from falling for as long as possible.
In the next months, then, more rounds in the fight will be played, and there will doubtless be more punches below the belt. However, the strength of the National Party, now boosted by a victory, which is in reality much greater than it appears on paper, seems certain to increase, and lead the country to wards their goal of independence by 1977. 3 Walter Lini, leader of the National Party majority in the new Repre sentative Assembly of the New Heb
rides, maintains 1977 as the target date for independence in the con dominium.
Objectives were outlined in an interview published in Nabanga, the French/bichelamar newspaper.
Father Lini attributed the National Party success to the personal contact they had made with the people rather than insulting” them by dropping tracts from planes and helicopters.
He said the election results showed the party was capable of organising everything itself, contrary to what many people had claimed.
Asked about the contrast with the September municipal elections which were not a success for the National Party, Walter Lini said since then many people have felt that MANH (which won many seats in Septem ber ) did not truly represent the aspirations of the New Hebrideans in Santo.
Faced with the question of how the UCNH party had won all six seats in the Vila electorate, Mr Lini claimed there had been certain voting irregularities in that area, whereas election supervisors had been stricter in Santo.
Mr Lini was also asked how he thought the new assembly would function if the National Party occu pied 20 seats, for example, and 19 were held by other parties. Mr Lini replied that if the Representative Assembly does not function it will be the fault of the British and French governments who have not adequately prepared the political future of the country.
Father Lini pointed out, “We spoke of independence and our victory shows that the people of the New Hebrides are not afraid of this in dependence, despite the efforts of the pro-colonialist parties who tried to prove that independence is a bad thing and that the New Hebrides are not economically prepared”.
Questioned over the future status of the French language, he said his party would not seek to make English the official language but would in fact encourage both English and French schools and would also en courage the use of bichelamar.
On the question of whether he maintained the National Party ob jective of independence for the New Hebrides in 1977, Mr Lini reaffirmed this date which had been part of his election platform.
He stressed his party, contrary to certain others, wanted political in dependence ahead of economic independence.