Is The Dominance Of Royal
pp. 19-77 · Read in the full issue
Sons Ending In W Samoa?
From FELISE VA’A in Pago Pago
Prime Minister Mataafa’s death marks not only the end of an era of personal, political leadership, but probably also that of the dominance of the Tama Aiga (Royal Sons) in Western Samoan politics.
Since the office of prime minister was established in Western Samoa almost 16 years ago, Fiame Mataafa was prime minister for 13 years, an achievement any leader in the South Pacific, or anywhere else in the world, would be proud of.
During his term of office, Western Samoa made rapid progress in the social, economic and political spheres md became more involved in regional md international affairs.
With him gone, the effects of his vork, though not perfect by any neans, are being felt and will long )e felt for most of Western Samoa’s urrent leaders are conservative to ome degree and will probably be lisinclined to make changes just for hange’s sake.
But the more important issue at he moment is how is Mataafa’s death o affect the power struggle in Vestern Samoa? More specifically, /hat are the chances of a non-Tama uga for the position of prime linister?
These questions are hard to answer ut a consideration of the status quo f the Tama Aiga may help clarify le matter. In Western Samoa, there
are four Tama Aiga, each represent ing one of the four royal families of Western Samoa. They are Malietoa, Mataafa, Tamasese and Tuimalealiifano; personal names, not titular ones.
Malietoa is Head of State and has been since 1962. He will hold this position for life after which the position will be subject to election by the legislative assembly and the term will be limited to five years.
So, as things stand, Malietoa is not likely to be a candidate for prime minister. If he dies, there is no knowing at this stage who will succeed to his title. His sons, such as Laupepa and Moli, are strong contenders for the title but other relatives are also likely to have strong claims. Whatever happens, it will be up to the members of the Royal Family of Malietoa (Sa Malietoa) to make the final decision.
Mataafa has just passed away and no doubt the Royal Family of Mataafa will soon be meeting to consider the various candidates for the title. Whether the next Mataafa will be Naomi, the late Mataafa’s daughter, or some unknown is hard to say. Again, the final decision will come from the members of the Royal Family, those whose business it is to bestow the title.
Tamasese, who was sworn in as prime minister only hours after Mataafa died, is in a relatively strong position. He has, so to speak, inherited Mataafa’s political empire.
But he is reported to be a sick man.
The late Tuimalealiifano died late last year and it is reported that there was a deep division within the Royal Family in the election of a successor.
It appears that the division has been settled but so far, the writer is not aware as to whether the title has been bestowed.
That is the picture, though a very faint one, of the Tama Aiga at the moment. In any future election for a prime minister, Tamasese will be the Fama Aiga with the best chances of being elected.
Malietoa is not likely to leave his present position and any successors to the Mataafa and Tuimalealiifano titles will most probably be new comers to the political scene and in experienced in the affairs of state.
Thus, a future Mataafa or Tui malealiifano is not expected to be a
strong contender for prime minister.
Based on these assumptions, the future is very ripe for a member of parliament, other than a Tama Aiga, to become prime minister. Into this category will fall the so-called pre sent Leader of the Opposition, Tupuola Efi.
But Tupuola is not the only likely choice. One can name others who have distinguished themselves in gov ernment administration, such as Lauofo Meti, Aumua loane and possibly Faimaala Taulapapa and Leota Pita. If the Masiofo Fetaui Mataafa gets into parliament, she could also be a strong contender.
And there may be others too. All of them will now have a good chance of being the next prime minister.
There are some people in Western Samoa who openly prophesy that Tupuola Efi will be the next prime minister. No doubt Tupuola is per haps the strongest non-Tama Aiga candidate. However, he has in Tupua Tamasese, the present Prime Minister, an opponent of high calibre, of proven accomplishment, and of con siderable power. For Tamasese not only has a following of his own, he is also likely to draw to himself the Mataafa supporters. This combination may be just too much for Tupuola.
But whatever happens, it is not likely that there will be any im mediate drastic changes in the govern ment and it can be stated for sure that never was a time so ripe for a non-Tama Aiga to be the next prime minister.
Writing from Apia, Peter Plow man, a veteran in the Samoan political field, puts his money on Tamasese for prime minister in next year’s elections, pointing out that, although the legality of the action of the Head of State in swearing in Tupua Tamasese as Prime Minister
Continued on p 73
pua Tamasese ... In a relatively strong position.
Tupuola Efi ... not the only likely choice.
only four hours after Mataafa’s death, had been questioned by some, there had been practically no objec tions and the Legislative Assembly had confirmed it.
“It’s an omen in Tamasese’s favour for next year’s elections,” Mr Plow man writes.
He continues: In 1969 Tamasese left a doctor’s chair at the hospital to enter politics and take over the reins of his country as Prime Minister and in the three years as PM he demonstrated his ability to govern. There is little doubt that he would have been returned to office in 1972 but for the wayward ness of some of his ministers during their term of office. Tamasese’s nonesty of purpose is beyond ques ion. He has little personal ambition nut a lot for his country.
But as it has proved, a rotten plank n a good ship can sink the ship md a good PM should see that there ire no such planks in his cabinet.
The Hon Tamasese is now in the unique position of completing a term vith a cabinet that is not of his :hoice and, actually, was in oppo ition to him at the last election for 3 M. The recent tabling in the House )f the findings of the Public Accounts rommittee strengthens his position.
Tupuola Efi is undoubtedly a candi late for the PM stakes, but the ques ion being asked is—is he ready for he responsibility? Everyone remem •ers the great work of his father, he late Tupua Tamasese, CBE, for ndependence for his country, and it ? fitting that his son should follow n his footsteps, but it must be re nembered that the future of many a ood colt has been ruined by too luch racing too early.
The beach has other candidates for ic office but whoever is nominated iy guess is Tamasese will be our next M. Western Samoa, at this stage annot afford any form of unstable overnment that might be introduced y an untried prime minister.
We are nearing the completion of three-year term of financial control Produced by the present Minister f Finance, Sam Saili. Whether such antrol has been beneficial to Samoa as yet to be proved but, according ) evidence dug up by the Public accounts Committee, Sam himself as had some benefit.
In the years of self-government, I ave closely observed the results of mg hours we spent at the two con itutional conventions. During the -bate on the selection of the minis
ters for the cabinet by the prime minister, Mr Timu K. said, “It will mean that the prime minister can select his friends and relations”.
The late Dr Jim Davidson replied, “I think that fear is quite baseless for two reasons. The first is that the PM will always find it necessary to select the members of the Legislative Assembly who he believes are best suited to help him carry out the work of government efficiently”.
The second reason was the fear of a vote of “No confidence”.
Since there has been more than one candidate nominated for the office of PM at three-year intervals, the elected PM has been compelled to select his ministers from his sup porters. And how could he do other wise. Mr Timu K. was right and Dr Davidson wrong, but none of us could see it at the time.
The present method of the elected PM choosing his own ministers from his supporters is not in the interests of good government as it has been proved.
And again, is it fair to the newly elected PM that the responsibility of selecting a cabinet is his entirely.
He may have to choose a minister against his better judgment who he already knows he will have to re place in the near future. And this has happened.
The solution to the problem, in my opinion, is that a panel of 10 to 12 members should be elected by the Legislative Assembly from which the PM should select his cabinet of eight ministers, so that the choice is a responsibility equally shared by the House and the PM.
The fear of a vote of “No confi dence” is remote. Most members of the assembly sacrifice time and money to become members and it is not likely that they will support a vote that will send them back to be reselected, as it is understood that on a vote of “No confidence” being successful the House will be dissolved and new elections called.
The next term of parliament will be the last when two candidates will be selected from the Individual Voters Roll. There is a possibility Peter Paul will be standing again, and Tom Ott tells me he intends to make a comeback.
Alfonse Philips after three years as Minister of Education has been cured of politics, and like many men who have been heckled by women, he’s going fishing. If Sam Saili has any ideas about standing again he should go with him.



