And why there was a minority report

Prom a Port Moresby correspondent

Why did Chief Minister Somare and Deputy Chief Minister John Guise make their minority report on the Constitutional Planning Com mittee’s work?

It’s probably the most interesting question of a whole lot of interesting questions thrown up by the un precedented debate on Papua New Guinea’s constitution.

During the acrimonious scenes in and out of the House during the de bate, Mr Somare retorted that he and Dr Guise had every right to make a minority report—as had every other member of the CPC who mightn’t agree with the major report.

This was true, but why should both Mr Somare and Dr Guise be the ones to team up to produce an amended report?

When Mr Somare had the com plicated task of putting together the coalition government in 1972, Dr Guise stood apart to the end, keep ing with him a group of about six

politicians. He joined the coalition, but even today he claims no party affiliation, although he holds the job of Deputy Chief Minister and has a ministerial position.

Mr Somare has used him because it has paid him to have the elder statesman, known for his political wiliness, and a Papuan as well, in a top position. It has helped the cause of compromise, so necessary if the coalition is to survive. And it has suited Dr Guise to remain up there where the power is, to keep an eye on his own future.

Dr Guise sees bis future as Presi dent of an independent Papua New Guinea. He has always advocated a presidential type system of govern ment for PNG, but the CPC report doesn’t want such a system. It wants a cabinet system and a Prime Minis ter, and no head of state. The Somare/Guise minority report argues for a President.

What’s in it for Mr Somare? In a sentence, the Prime Ministership, and thus the power, because he sees a President of an independent PNG as a figurehead. He argues that this is in line with PNG tradition, with the elder batesman as the head of the clan bat not necessarily wielding the power.

By backing Dr Guise for the pre sidency, Mr Somare is free for the exercise of power—which, let it be said, he has become adept at hand ling. He would be a good Prime Minister—once free of the possibility of pressures from Dr Guise.

Mr Somare and Dr Guise also want relaxation of the citizenship laws as recommended by the Momis report. Under the Momis provisions even Dr Guise would not become a citizen, and certainly none of Mr Somare’s expatriate friends, but in any case both men genuinely feel that the proposed restrictions are too severe.