Up Front

with the Editor

When Fiji attains dominion status just a few months from now, she will be entitled to some high level representation in overseas capitals. She will be appointing High Commissioners to London and Canberra as a starter, and a representative in the UN, and naturally a number of people would like to get those plum jobs should Ratu Mara and his cabinet decide on them.

After all, the post of Fiji High Commissioner in Canberra (a High Commissioner being equivalent of an Ambassador among Common wealth countries) could carry con siderably more perks than onerous duties.

But it would also cost consider ably more to run than does the office of the present Fiji Representative in Australia, who is based in Sydney.

In the past there has been enough belly-aching in Suva at the cost of the modest Sydney office, and the expense of full-scale High Com missions here and elsewhere would surely give both the Fiji Finance Minister and the electors apoplexy.

Despite this, one shouldn’t be un sympathetic to Fiji’s problem.

Diplomatic representation abroad is a problem in the South Seas, and it is going to be faced more and more as the territories “emerge”, as the current phrase has it.

On the one hand it’s natural that they should want to underline their new status by flying their flags abroad; on the other, they know they have to watch costs and be practical, for no South Pacific ter ritory is rich enough to dissipate its budget on empty gestures.

In that regard, the South Pacific has shown more commonsense than some of the African States, with their large and expensive diplomatic representation in London, New York and Washington. But commonsense is an attribute of the South Sea Islander.

Tonga has been criticised, I think rightly, for having established an ex pensive office in London when it might have been more practical to set up a trade office in Sydney or Auckland first. I hope that now she has joined the “comity of nations”

she doesn’t get too exuberant about establishing unproductive overseas representation. King Taufa’ahau has been talking about joining that ex pensive club, the UN.

The Republic of Nauru, to be sure, now also has an office in London— started in May—but it’s fairly modest, operated by former Government Secretary Q. V. L. Weston, and Nauru set an example of common sense by establishing not an Embassy in Canberra following independence two years ago, but a business office in Melbourne. The Melbourne office is still the only overseas representa tion the republic has got, apart from the new London office. There were some pressures on President Deßoburt to establish a diplomatic mission in Canberra, but he wisely considered the expense unnecessary.

Nauru's position

Nauru’s Melbourne office has been searching for a new Official Repre sentative for Australia—the last one, Mr. L. J. Lockie, having recently been dismissed. As it probably causes less reaction to dismiss a represent ative than an Ambassador there are additional advantages in having this style of representation! President Deßoburt has said he doesn’t intend to join the UN, for the time being anyway.

Western Samoa, independent longer than any other South Seas territory, has set a better example still— Samoa has no diplomatic representa tion of her own anywhere. If she wants anything done at diplomatic level she has the right to use Com monwealth channels just as if she were a member of the Common wealth—which she hasn’t been up till now. New Zealand has been keeping an eye on things for her. Under the

Treaty of Friendship with New Zealand she is represented overseas through NZ diplomatic posts, and through British offices where there is no NZ post. She can, however, make overseas diplomatic approaches direct if she chooses.

West Samoa has only two overseas representatives, an honorary consul in Los Angeles, Mr. J. G. Rough, and a trade commissioner in Auck land, Mr. Eddie Stehlin.

West Samoa has been an “as if” member of the British Common wealth—that is, she has been treated as if she were a member—and former Prime Minister Fiame Mata’afa deserves credit for getting the best of both worlds with this system.

Mata’afa was opposed to Samoa join ing the UN, but saw to it that Samoa joined some UN agencies and profited by membership.

Tupua Tamasese Lealofi and his cabinet take a different view, and I should imagine that the system of overseas representation will be changed following Commonwealth membership.

The Cook Islands, being part of New Zealand with her people New Zealand citizens, is in a different situation. Premier Albert Henry would certainly like to see more direct representation in Australia.

He made it clear on his recent first visit to Sydney, in a conversation with me, that Australia had never heard of the Cooks. That direct con tact was to be preferred to indirect representation through the New Zea land High Commission. While he was here, Mr. Henry certainly tem porarily bridged the gap officially (and, incidentally, with his many public appearances, won a great many Australian friends for the Cooks).

Mr Henryk dilemma

Mr. Henry’s dilemma underlines the dilemma of his neighbouring terri tories: that is if you don’t have direct representation, how can you get your point of view across? And if you do have representation, how much should you spend on it? Should you estimate its worth on what you can get out of it immediately or what you can get long term?

The unhappy fact is that Australia will help the South Pacific Islands only if the Islands remind her con stantly they are there. There is money to be got, and in Australia’s case I think there are migration advantages to be won. Diplomatic and/or trade representation will more quickly apply the pressure where it will do most good.

I would like to think there was an opportunity here for the South Pacific

Our Cover

When Bruce Adams, whose work often appears in “PlM’s” pages, found this pretty 15year-old Trobriand Islands girl working in food gardens on Kiriwina, she was complete with colourful ornaments. Apparently she and some of her friends had just been taking part in some minor festivities, and, Islands like, they hadn't troubled to re move the baubles. But it all made a very nice picture. The marks on the pretty islander's cheek and forehead are tattoo marks. Tattooing is still practiced in many parts of Papua.

to develop a kind of diplomatic repre sentation suited for her needs. The Islands have already shown that the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy is not necessarily the system suited to the South Seas, so why shouldn’t they also develop their own diplomatic style—one which will have the most effect for the least cost?

Why not indeed? But unfortun ately the Vienna Convention laid down by the West, dictates the pro cedures of diplomatic protocol, and if the Islands want full representation they must follow the accepted pro cedures, and hope that these will not stifle the Islanders’ reputation for friendly ease and natural dignity.

I am prepared to admit that high level representation in Canberra can achieve results, through contact with representatives of other governments besides the Australian Government.

But I question the Islanders’ need for the type of expensive empire building seen in Canberra, Welling ton and London among the High Commissions and Embassies of this world.

One High Commissioner in Canberra, with a couple of typists, plus a big Fijian or two, in sulu and sandals, or a friendly Indian with administrative know-how, based in Sydney or Auckland as supporting troops—could be a more effective diplomatic staff in this corner of the world.

THE “in” route to Europe is via the Gilbert and Ellice Islands— according to Ken McGregor. Ken, aged 25, a valued PIM staff writer since 1966, left us in June to further his journalistic career in Europe. But as he’ll spend a few months in the GEIC en route, writing for us, his byline won’t disappear immediately from our pages.

Stuart Inder