(bar the shouting)

In W. Irian it's all over (bar the shouting)

From JOHN RYAN, in Port Moresby

The so-called “act of free choice” is over. West Irian is now the sovereign 17th Province of the Republic of Indonesia.

The 800,000 Papuans of the former Dutch New Guinea (1848-1962) are now officially Indonesian citizens . . . and the Republic of Indonesia stretches (as Sukarno promised in 1962) from Sabang in Sumatra to Merauke, 40 miles from Papua, in the extreme south-east of West Irian.

And Australia (and its White Aus tralia policy) now officially shares a

455-mile, unfenced border with coloured Asia.

Dutch Foreign Minister J. A. H.

Luns insisted in August, 1962, that West Irian’s 800,000 should have their 1969 “act of free choice”, but the method of vote-taking was danger ously vague. Indonesia moved in on May 1, 1963, and even though the transfer agreement gave Djakarta only “full administrative control” of West Irian, the Indonesians immediately began treating West Irian as the 17th Province and its people as “Indo nesians”. The ethnic noun “Papuan” was banned.

And now, in July-August, 1969, Indonesia has kept faith with the 1962 transfer agreement by giving its “Indonesian” citizens of West Irian the promised “act of free choice”.

Little needs to be said about Indo nesia’s odious way of taking votes . . . barbed wire fences around the voting places “so as to prevent the Free Papua Movement staging demon strations” . . . and hours of harangues and promises to put the voters in the right frame of mind . . , scores of armed troops and policemen . . . and then the voting itself: a show of hands instead of a secret ballot.

Three centres did it

This “act of free choice” vote taking was scheduled from July 14 to August 4 in the eight regencies (districts) of Merauke, Djajawidjaja (main centre Wamena), Paniai (Ena ratoli), Fakfak (main centre, Fak fak), Sorong, Manokwari, Tjendera wasih (Nabire) and last, the capital township regency, Djayapura.

But after only three centres were polled (Merauke, Wamena and Enaratoli) the Indonesian Home Ministry in Djakarta was able to an nounce on July 20, that “the people of West Irian have already decided to remain Indonesian ... the rest of the voting does not matter now”.

The 524 selected voters at Merauke.

Wamena and Enaratoli represented just over half of West Irian’s entire native population and Djakarta’s

Home Ministry was quick to point out that on majority rule. West Irian’s future was already assured.

It was no accident that the first three rounds of vote-taking were in the most pro-Indonesian and the most unsophisticated, dependent areas— Merauke, where Indonesians have lived for nearly a century, and in the Highlands, where national political knowledge is unknown.

More control

With half the population already accounted for in the first six days of the “act of free choice”, the Indo nesian Government could relax— could even discount any possible damage from adverse polling in the traditional, trouble areas: Fakfak, Sorong, Manokwari, Tjenderawasih and Djayapura.

Indonesia’s Military Commander in West Irian, Brigadier-General Sarwo Edhie, reorganised his civil-military staff for more effective control in the

final stages of the “act of free choice”.

The General replaced his Army Chief of Staff in West Irian, and brought in several other more ex perienced soldiers.

In addition, he took a tighter rein on the civil administration of West Irian by transferring several District Administration officers. The Resident (District Commissioner) at Merauke in the extreme south-east, was trans ferred to the capital Djayapura be cause of his apparently good record against “trouble-makers”.

Border patrols—civil and military —were also strengthened to head off any “Indonesian citizens” who are members of the small Free Papua organisations which tried to prevent Indonesia getting sovereign control of West Irian.

Border liaison with the Australian administration has also been in creased. Australia’s Liaison Officer, Mr. Royce Webb, has made several trips to Djayapura and the Indo nesians are expected to reciprocate in September by visiting Vanimo, in New Guinea’s West Sepik District.

During one trip, Mr. Webb took back to the Indonesians four rifles smuggled across the border since April by some of the 400 who’ve crossed, asking Australian political asylum. Late in July, the Australians increased their watch along the entire border for West Irian villagers dis satisfied with the result of the “act of free choice”.

And in Port Moresby, after re turning from the UN Trusteeship debate on New Guinea, the Minis terial Member for Labour, Mr. Toua Kapena, said: “We should send all refugees back to West Irian . . . they should not have been allowed across here in the first place.”

His New Guinean companion at the UN, Mr. Matthias Toliman (Rabaul), was silent. He may have been think ing of the UN debate in 1965 when,

with Mr. John Guise, he had a private interview with U Thant and political adviser Dr. Ralph Bunche, seeking urgent UN action to help the West Irian refugees then entering Australian New Guinea.

Indonesia’s Minister for Home Affairs, Amir Machmud, has promised West Irian “full autonomy” (internal self-government), A broadcast from Radio Merauke on July 14 after 174 selected native leaders had voted at Merauke for West Irian to remain Indonesian, said Amir Machmud had also promised several million rupiah for urgent development work in the Southern (Merauke) Division of the country.

"Great day for Indonesia"

Radio Merauke quoted Amir Machmud: “Today’s voting shows once and for all that the West Irian people see their correct future—one language, one culture and one nation with Indonesia.

“Indonesia now stretches from Merauke to Sabang . . . this is a very great day for Indonesia.”

The West Irian serial was over.

All that remained was for the United Nations General Assembly to accept from U Thant’s personal representa tives in West Irian a carefully-worded account of the polling and the results.

And if any of the UN delegations were to challenge the system of polling or the result, what would they do about it?

West Irian has been a political football in a game of power politics and nobody—the Netherlands, the United States, Australia or any of the other 86 signatories to the transfer agreement in 1962—seems to believe that West Irian’s 800,000 deserve any

thing better , . . than Indonesia has just given them.

West Irian is now Indonesia’s 17th Province and Djakarta now has every moral and sovereign right to do there as it pleases.

Already, West Irian’s missionaries are reporting the rejuvenation of Djakarta’s 1965 “population plan” for West Irian—the shipping of several thousand (some reports say up to 13,000) landless Javanese and Ambonese to New Guinea for farmer resettlement schemes. And if the West Irianese landowners object, as they did in 1965. more Indonesian troops will be flown in. Their “police” actions will be “private” affairs, no longer in the UN spot light. • See also Percy Chatterton's comment, p. 48.