Up Front

with the Editor

I hope Australian Prime Minister Gorton’s frantic rush through Fiji in January, when he spoke to nobody, isn’t indica tive of his attitude to the South Seas. I am prepared to give him benefit of the doubt and say that he was tired after attending the Commonwealth Prime Minister’s Conference and had de cided that this was neither the time nor the place to get involved with affairs of state. Nevertheless, he could have displayed more enthusiasm than he did.

I hope soon we get some statement A° m , either „ Mr - Gorton, or the Australian Minister for External Affairs, Mr. Paul Hasluck, on what Australia s policy is to be in the South Seas after Britain’s planned withdrawal from east of Suez. w . . , r, • • , Prffish re- Who Sl in f ln Jn e , S i? Uth S T- ! hen? m ih/uMh P fi ke a t ea hr.nl/ Pacific when Britain nn/ernmll,} andS terntorles to self ‘ g .

Austraha underplays the importance of the South Pacific Islands and the effect that her policy there can have on her own future. Yet those territories are now developing very quickly, politically and economicall y-

Which direction?

In Fiji I think 1969 may be a year of political progress—but whether it will go exactly in the direction that Australia hopes for is another matter.

There has been constant, if often unf r LT?ht, le Amiri C .iln Rii ° f trols Llil nl u c ° n ' ment of a noHtt a l f w P ' Siians and P ul bet Ween to be hannenina ' VnS Britain’s withdrawal *

Mist i

political dependence oi* the . T . .

As * . sai d m this column last month, the Chief Minister, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, seems to have got to the point in his own progress where he suspects that too many huropean cooks in the Alliance are

more handicap than help. And that knighthood he has just got is hardly likely to change his attitude. Mr.

John Falvey’s resignation is a straw in the wind.

There appears to be an opinion abroad (you will note it in the Sydney Morning Herald editorial re ferred to on p. 31) that Britain is very shortly to pull out politically from Fiji and let the colony go it alone. I don’t know where that started and I can find nothing to sup port it, apart from some vague talk in Canberra, although I have asked questions from here to London. I don’t think London has any plan to pull out from Fiji at a certain date come-what-may. Nevertheless, the Alliance Government and the Opposition will certainly develop a united front in at least insisting that Fiji’s friends stand up and be counted. And how much of a friend is Australia? This is a question whose answer will also interest some of Fiji’s neighbouring South Pacific territories.

For instance in London at the same time as Mr. Gorton was King Taufa’ahau, of Tonga, who has asked Australia and New Zealand to sponsor the kingdom in an applica tion to join the Commonwealth fol lowing full independence, which she hopes to achieve soon. There have been many close ties between Aus tralia and Tonga over the years, but whether these can continue strong when the kingdom is finally faced with having to solve all her own problems, will depend more on how Australia behaves than how Tonsra behaves. Not the least of Tonga’s problems is finding jobs for a quickly

growing population—and that is a problem that a number of territories share.

Undoubtedly there will be pres sures on Australia’s immigration policy, and this is one aspect that Australia has to think out carefully.

My own view, which I don’t apologise for holding, is that there should be an immigration quota for South Pacific peoples who want to enter Australia permanently, and an oppor tunity for those who want work per mits.

For instance, at this time last year I had a long discussion on problems in the Gilbert and Ellice Islanlds Colony, with the GEIC’s Chief Elected Member in the House of Representatives, Reuben Uatioa, MBE, and the Rev. losia Taomia, the Ellice elected member on the Government Council.

GEIC's position

The GEIC is another territory where job opportunities are not keeping pace with the increasing population (at present 50,000). And things will be worse when Ocean Island phosphate is worked out.

There is some hope for tourism, and a real effort is being made to de velop a number of small undertakings in the hope that they will add up to something economically worthwhile.

But the two men felt that the only hope for those tiny islands was for them to export their manpower—a view that appears to be shared by the Resident Commissioner.

Reuben Uatioa pointed out that the GEIC people were competent phosphate workers, and mechanics, particularly experienced in handling machinery. TTiey proposed that GEIC islanders be invited to migrate to Australia under a quota system, or be allowed in for a term under contract, to work in the developing mining industries of Queensland and Western Australia. They pointed out that Queensland was likely to develop a phosphate industry in the next few years and that here was a great op portunity for them.

Reuben said, according to the notes I took at the time, “Australia should pay far more attention to the prob lems of the South Pacific. Many South Pacific territories are fellow members of the Commonwealth, yet Australia pays more attention to South-East Asia, and allows Asians into Australia but not Islanders”.

There was, of course, no particular encouragement I could give to these two Gilbert and Ellice Islands leaders.

There was, unfortunately, nothing

new in the principles they were put ting forward.

In several South Pacific Islands territories Islands leaders have asked me, “When will Australia let our people in to work? Australia helps to make her money by selling goods in the Islands, and don’t we all live together in this area?”

Their constant questions will give way to resentment. In fact, over the last few years of constant travel in the South Pacific, I find that this is happening. The Islanders are con scious of the differences between Australia’s immiigratiiOn policy to wards them and of the New Zealand policy.

I don’t advocate the opening of those proverbial flood gates, so that everybody can come in. Australians have rights, too. But Australia, I believe, needs to review its immigra tion policy as it affects South Pacific Islanders.

Papua-New Guinea, On Feb

ruary 1, launched its public appeal for cash to bridge the gap between what’s in kitty and what is needed to stage the Third South Pacific Games, to be held in Port Moresby in August. As I said last month, there is still a fair whack to be found and some people are a bit apprehensive.

But Sir Donald Cleland, chairman of the territory appeal, drops me a note to say “we are not just sitting on our tails”. He supplies the figures: Cash or kind received or promised as at December 31, 1968: $368,716 (which includes the Administration grant of $150,000).

Anticipated revenue from all sources, other than from the public appeal, from January 1, 1969, to the start of the Games: $55,400.

Anticipated revenue from the Games themselves (gate takings, pro grammes, etc.): $98,000.

Anticipated revenue from the terri tory appeal just launched: $lOO,OOO.

Budgeted cost of staging the Games: $825,000.

One hopes that the anticipated revenues are realistic, because as you can see, there is still a shortfall of something like $202,000 of the total amount needed. It’s as well they aren’t sitting on their tails. The public appeal is to individual citizens, and at least 34,000 of them will get letters asking for donations.

New Guinea’s South Pacific Games Association showed commendable sporting instinct in deciding to take on the Games at such cost and with such meagre government financial support, and obviously it’s not going to be easy making that final sprint.

CONFIRMATION of Bill Adams as boss of the Nauru Phosphate Corporation set up to take over the assets of the BPC and control the new republic’s economic lifeblood, means that Nauru has achieved her major aims in her first year of independence.

In that first 12 months, Nauru has become a member of the Commonwealth (in a special new “associate” category), has applied for and been promised membership of the South Pacific Commission, has set up a Presidency and established an entirely new administrative struc ture, paid for most of the BPC assets, launched a radio station and her first ship and negotiated her first big local development using overseas capital—the football pools scheme. Not a bad effort for a first year.

The negotiations between the NPC and the BPC to be held in March to discuss a new phosphate price for 1970 should be worth watching.

The current price is $ll a ton, f.o.b. but during Nauru’s first year of independence she sold 300,000 tons to the Japanese at $l4. All the noises from Nauru indicate that Aus tralia will have to take Nauruan phosphate at an increased price, for there seems no way Australia can avoid facing the hard facts of supply and demand.

An increase in the Nauruan phos phate price will leave the way open for the Ocean Island price to be upped, and both the GEIC Govern ment and the unhappy Rabi Islanders have their beady eyes on those negotiations.

Like I said, Australia underplays the effect that her policy in the South Pacific can have on her own future —yet here is an example of how policy, originating within the South Pacific Islands can affect Australia.

Stuart Inder