Commentary

Events Which Are Now

Shaping Our Future

IT may appear that little has occurred in the ’Fifties to affect the political, and economic and social future of the South Pacific’s Territories —16 of them, if we in clude Micronesia.

Actually, much has been happen ing, in very recent times. For ex ample, the future of practically every Territory has been shaped, in some degree, by one, or some, or all of these events, of September and October: • Representatives of the Aus tralian Department of Territories, the Netherlands Government, and the Territories of Papua, New Guinea and West New Guinea were in conference in Canberra in the *week ended October 27, studying machinery proposed for close admin istrative liaison between the Terri tories. • Indonesia displayed a lively un easiness about the Dutch-Australian talks on Western New Guinea, whereupon Australian External Affairs Minister Casey suggested that Indonesia’s Foreign Minister (Dr.

Subandrio) might with advantage make an early visit to Canberra. • The so-called democratic gov ernments of Burma, Thailand and Pakistan have all been supplanted by Army chiefs. The former British Territories of Ceylon and India are close to similar dictatorships. The future of the South Pacific must be measured against these significant developments in “self-government”, which are practically inevitable in Asian countries, • The character of the future governments in New Caledonia and French Polynesia awaits the shape of the new Administration now be ing created in France under the Fifth Republic, directed by General de Gaulle. Is there to be continued administration under the Loi Cadre, which led in recent months to Rightist revolts in both Territories?

Or is the common-roll system to be withdrawn or vitally amended? • The attitude of the pending United Nations Trusteeship Mission towards Western Samoa’s demand for independence (see p. 19 of October PIM) could be significant in regard to the future of the other Pacific Trusteeship (New Guinea). • As a new Governor (from West Africa) assumed control in Fiji, it was noted that preparations are afoot for a new Constitution. A distinguished Australian Professbr of Geography already is at work in *iji, preparing a report on the social and economic future of the Fijian community (now heavily out

numbered by the Indians). Sir Alan Burns will lead a British Colonial Mission to Fiji next year, to ex amine the problem of whether Fiji’s available resources can feed Fiji’s rapidly expanding population. (See below). • Australia, on November 22, has a general election, from which will emerge either a Rightist (Liberal) or Leftist (Labour) Government.

Although Australia necessarily dom inates the South Pacific, none of Australia’s Party leaders has given any indication of a policy—or even of clear thinking—in regard to the political, social and economic future of the South Pacific Territories.

The foregoing outline shows how the South Pacific Territories bristle with problems. There is no machinery to consider them as a whole, and no effort to create it.

The call for something of the kind grows more urgent every year, as the population thrust of Southeast Asia increases, and as the Terri tories (especially Fiji, Samoa and French Polynesia) reach more in sistently for more self-government.

Ten years ago—before Indonesia became a nuisance and Communist China a menace —the six nations which, between them, hold all the South Pacific Territories, created the South Pacific Commission. It is the only thing in existence which has the organisation, and the ability to deal with the South Pacific’s problems.

But its value is strictly limited by the fact that it may only investigate social and economic conditions, and report to the six governments. It has no authority; and it is not per mitted even to hint at the need for political changes and adminis trative reforms.

In view of what has happened in the last ten years—and is in creasingly happening—the SP Com mission should either be given a wider field to work in, and teeth with which to enforce its authority, or wiped out in favour of a bigger and stronger international organ isation for the South Pacific.

A Miracle

At Puri?

WHETHER the happenings at Puri in early November (see page 18) are the last-minute, happy ending to Papua’s 20 years oil-search story, will take some weeks to determine. But even if events do no more than encourage the overseas interests in Australasian Petroleum Co. to carry on with the search —as they announced on No vember 9 that they would do, thus reversing their previous decision—

it will be a reprieve for Papua.

Although the Papua-New Guinea Administration has been “cracking hardy” over the prospective with drawal of major oil prospecting, business interests in the Territory have been under no delusions about the economic effect.

Since January, when the with drawal was first mooted, local busi nesses—particularly those in Port Moresby—began to feel the cold breeze of recession. After July, when withdrawal of British Petroleum and Vacuum was confirmed (unless there was “material encouragement” before the end of 1958), the gloom deepened.

All this was dramatically changed in early November. Reports that the dark-horse well of Puri, which finished drilling months ago without any promise, had produced a flow of oil (although not yet in “com mercial quantities” according to the experts) sent hundreds of Moresby ites queueing up outside the local share-broker’s office.

The implications of oil discovery in Papua are immense—from the national viewpoint right down to the small stockholder who bought Oil Search early and stuck to his shares.

Oil royalties would turn Papua from an economically poor country, tied to the end of New Guinea’s kite, to a rich one. Oil would give Australia the one vital 20th century mineral it has lacked.

Papua would assume new import ance to Australia, and there would have to be a new approach to de velopment and new thoughts on de fence.

It has taken the events of the first days of November to galvanise the nebulous hopes of the last 20 years into something that could actually happen.

Now, whatever is left after the initial share-buying and selling fever subsides, should be sufficient to show that it was far too early yet to give up the idea of major oil search in Papua.

Fiji: And The Deadly

Inertia of Whitehall

NEWS items on other pages show that the British Colonial Office, after lengthy and unexplained delay, now is taking steps to examine the inter-racial and the economic position in Fiji—presum ably, with a view to introducing Constitutional changes, although nothing of that kind is promised.

The British Colonial Office is so ponderously slow in its movements, so reluctant to take even the highest of its field officials into its confidence, and so unwilling to give even a hint of its probable plan, that it is quite possible that serious political trouble will develop in Fiji

before the moguls of Whitehall really get moving.

No less than seven years have passed since the Fiji Legislative Council resolved — “That this Council urges that a Commission of Inquiry from the United Kingdom be appointed forthwith to inquire into and advise as to what steps should be taken to ensure that this Colony will not suffer from over-population, to the detriment of the standard of living of all races in the Colony .”

It would appear that the Colonial Office is acting upon that request —seven years after it was made.

The Commsision itself will not begin inquiries in Fiji until late in 1959. It certainly will not report until 1960. Probably, another year or more will elapse before this ponderous, old-fashioned machinery —good enough for Victoria’s day, but utterly unsuited to the needs of the mid-20th century—will get around to constitutional reform.

Meanwhile, Fiji’s administrative machine—which functions as a dictatorship under the British Colonial Office—is increasingly in capable of taking care of the economic and social troubles created by the fact that, since the rn O C o^ 1 --, Office was appealed to in 1952, Fiji s population has increased from 312,000 to 375,000; that land ownership remains generally with Fl *} community, which is not mtegrated socially and economically with the fast-growing Indian community; and that although are fleeted and nominated all the thre e main races in the Legislative Council complete legislative authority re mains with Whitehall. wv. 1 classes in . Fiji, conscious that both economic and political tr tU b B S are just aroun d the P corner ment b ff C °S e an acute e mbarrass- Sffi* * o th y ? re not dealt wl th quickly are not prepared to wait S 1 1 le fi9 w hjtehall does leisurely in 1961- 62 what it should have done as a matter of urgency, in 1951-52!

Triu ir oo ß £ nald Garve y, returning to Fiji as Governor in 1952, was eager hpJE?* 0n the reforms which because of his long experience in necessary 1 as necessary and urgent. He never uttered—publicly or privatelv of W t°he 9 f complaint; but theligic o ”°what happraied° SeS the

baffled dlaVfetlf Te

Coloninl Office. The plans which hi tafls of 6 MHn dragged at the ‘surveys”. inquiries” and necessary 5 h,u d ,u Urvey i are buite but they should have tton h?wU y - ear . s aß °- T he situa £ «oLL°% U r r e g p e a n r t ati°„„r a ii

ColonTaTte* thi

Australia's Election,

And The Islands

THE Australian general election of November 22 could be of con siderable significance to the Territories of the South Pacific.

If the Menzies Government is re turned, a policy governing Australian . ?lationship with other South Pacific countries (including New Zealand), which now is slowly being shaped by the Prime Minister and his Minister for External Affairs (Mr.

Casey), may be developed, and be come positive in character.

If Labour is returned, and the politically discredited Dr. Evatt be comes Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs, Australia’s future relationship with her South Pacific Territories and neighbours will be a matter of guesswork.

If the Menzies-Casey regime is continued, we may expect to see early changes in the administration of British Solomons and the New Hebrides Condominium, with per haps a more direct Australian par ticipation in the future of Fiji and the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony.

Already, the British economic machinery in all these British-ad ministered Territories is much more Australian than United Kingdom.

Neither Australia nor New Zea land has shown any eagerness to accept new administrative obliga tions in the South Pacific; but im portant international changes, like

the outwards thrust of the over crowded Asian nations, and growing nationalism among the hitherto sub' ject races of the British Colonies are forcing upon us a general re appraisement of the South Pacifit situation.

Messrs. Menzies and Casey appeal to recognise this.

There has been nothing at all tc show what Dr. Evatt and Mr. Eddis Ward think about it.

We cannot guess how the vote ir this election —whether Oui or Non— will affect the future of Mr. Hasluck the Australian Minister for Terri tories. He has many admirers—fo: he is a man of outstanding ability— but, as a Minister, he has fev friends. He is heavily equipped witß knowledge and theory but, througH lack of experience, he seems griev ously ill-balanced on the stilts oi dictatorship.

When the news broke in Por Moresby that six rebellious member of the Northern Territory Legisi lative Council had issued writ; against this Minister, there waj cheering in the clubs and the pubs “This,” they said, “should brinj. the gentleman face to face witl realities.” But nothing came of it..

Some believe that Mr. Hasluck ii deeply entrenched in the Primt Minister’s affection, and (if hi!

Government is returned) he may b( moved to a more senior Ministership Others think he may be moved, foe ether reasons. Only time, and thi general election, will show.