Important Events In Dutch

Australian New Guinea

PiESE things have happened within very recent weeks: • The Government of Australia ias agreed with the Government f the Netherlands that the deelopmental and administrative (Olicies of both of them, in relation o Papua-New Guinea and Western lew Guinea respectively, shall be ligned as far as is possible. • Qantas (the Government-owned lompany which provides the Southjest Pacific with its major air serices) is to commence forthwith a egular, scheduled air-service, conacting Australian and Dutch New Juinea. It will run from Lae to liak, via Madang, Wewak and [ollandia, and return by same route. • After two months of political lanoeuvring, Indonesia finally has stablished a “government” which 5 strongly under Communist influnee, and is kept in power by the tommunist group. . , YEN m these days of political degeneracy, there has been a remarkable amount of hushush about Australia’s relations dth the Dutch and the Indolesians; but a reasonably clear icture now is emerging.

The elimination of the Dutch rom the East Indies archipelagoes -the result of the bumble-footed lundering of the Socialist Governlents of Britain, Australia and the retherlands, in the 1945-50 period— flowed a Jap-organised gang of alf-educated political agitators to et control of the government of ndonesia. Most of the post-war rop of sociologists acclaimed this s “the liberation of Indonesia”; but -as this journal has consistently ointed out, over the years—all it as done is to open wide the doors o (a) the collapse of the economic ystem so efficiently established by he Dutch and (b) the advance outh-eastwards of the Communists * . , This is of the utmost concern to

Australia, New Zealand and all the Territories of the South Pacific.

The Asiatics already have their outposts throughout the Pacific. If the Reds get control of Indonesia— and there seems to be little now to stop them—their advance across the South Pacific will follow, sooner or later.

This danger must have been re cognised by the anti-socialist Government which took control in Australia two years ago; but, apparently because it is afraid of offending the delicate sensibilities of the gang of adventurers in charge at Djakarta (late Batavia), if has made no declaration of policy—not even when the Soe karna “government” was pressing the Dutch for the surrender of Dutch New Guinea. However, it now is clear that the influence of the Australian Government, plus a definite change in the character of the Netherlands Government, (hitherto predominantly Socialist) has been instrumental in a decision by the Dutch, not only to hold Western New Guinea, but to collaborate with Australia in build ing up a strong Western European economy in the great island of New Guinea, as a whole, FTTHERE is not the slightest in- X dication that the truce in Korea means the end of the Cold War, or of the southwestwards thrust of the Reds. While China remains under Moscow control, and aggressively Red, the whole of the Pacific is in deadly danger. We are fighting the Reds now in Indo- China and Malaya, but the Com munist underground penetration of those countries, and of Siam, Burma, India and Indonesia, con tinues unabated. Truce or no truce, there can be no cessation of our preparations for defence while that Red thrust goes on.

With the loss of the Dutch East Indies, the position of New Guinea,

as our barrier against Asia, there fore becomes of first-rate impor tance. If we Western Europeans do not occupy that huge island, as the first lines of our defence system, then inevitably it will be occupied by the people coming out of Asia, as a colony and as the ad vanced bases for their attack. The Japanese, in 1942, showed us how it is done. Australia, long since, should have made a clear-cut state ment of policy in relation to New Guinea and the Indonesian area. The world should have been made aware that it is the purpose of Australia, as the largest in dependent country in the South Pacific, to preserve the South Pacific countries for Western Europeans. As the Government, with the timidity typical of pro fessional politicians, has made no such statement, we can only line up and read the facts as we see them.

The facts show that Australia, in co-operation with the Dutch and actively supported by the United States, is creating a defence sys tem in the Southwest Pacific, based on the whole of New Guinea and the Bismarck archipelago. Part of the plan is the establishment in that area of an economy which, while definitely expendable in the event of war, would give immense support to Australia’s first line of defence.

The Anzus Pact means that this is being done in collaboration with America. Should World War 111 come, Australia and New Zealand could not indefinitely keep the Asiatic Communist nations out of the South Pacific. But they could do a good job, as they did before, in holding the line until the Ameri cans come to their aid.

SINCE the end of World War 11, Australia has spent at least £50,000,000 probably much more—on the “development” of New Guinea. A good deal of it has been frittered away on “schemes” of a Socialist or idealistic charac ter; but, nonetheless, a large pro portion has been ploughed deep

into the country, on some sort of pattern.

If all this has not a defensive purpose, why is it being done?

Australia neither needs nor seeks an external area for settlement and colonisation. There are only 9,000, 000 people in Australia and —with water conservation and irrigation— there is room for countless more millions. Why then, should Aus tralia spend £50,000,000 in de veloping a colony in these tropical islands when she can grow all her tropical needs in North Queensland and Northern Territory, and more effectively spend the £50,000,000 on vital irrigation projects?

Australia holds Papua - New Guinea for defence and not econ omic reasons. She is working to a definite plan, which is concerned w T ith her future security.

Then why, in the name of com monsense, does she allow her im portant and costly work in New Guinea to be hamstrung by the Trusteeship Council set-up? Why does she submit at the Trusteeship Council to the silly and pointless interrogation and criticism of her NG administration which we heard in early July? Why does a country, already famous for its ad vanced sociology and its care of the down-trodden, patiently allow’ its experienced administrators in Papua-New Guinea to be badgered and nagged at by delegations such as that led there recently by the Dominican Dr. Marchena, who seemed to think they had some God-given mission to save the wTetched natives from European exploiters?

Why does Australia not take a bold, courageous line, and honestly state the purpose of her work in New Guinea, and either withdraw from the Trusteeship Council farce, or let the Council understand that, while she has nothing to conceal in her treatment of natives, she will insist that only experienced and helpful people be included in these wandering, Trusteeship dele gations? Echo answers, Why.

HOWEVER, as we have said, the Australian-Dutch New Guinea- Indonesian pattern becomes clearer. There is to be, an increas ingly closer relationship between Dutch and Australians in New Guinea, and this may have im portant results, economically and

politically. xl ,

If it were not for the danger that the whole of the Indies may fall into Communist hands, Indonesia’s political stewpot might be left to its inevitable fate. But the Red danger is too great. The Dutch and the Australians, for their own protection, must soon step in and try to form some sort of stable ad ministration. It could be done, perhaps, by strenthening the more responsible section of the army, and by supporting the Moslem (Masjumi) and moderate Labour parties against the milling crowd of political hyenas which now sur

rounds the governmental fleshpots.

There is not the least chance of operating a responsible form of democratic government among this mass of 73 million people. Their only hope of getting efficient gov ernment and security is to accept either some form of dictatorship, backed by military force, or the re-

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turn of the Dutch. But, at the mere suggestion of either, every socio political crank, from the Sydney Trades Hall to UNO headquarters, will begin howling, and the politicians probably will run for cover.

The oil angle should not be forgotten. The Dutch have found oil in the western end of their ter ritory, and increasing quantities are coming out through Sorong, for refining at the new works in Vic toria. Despite expenditure of over £10,000,000, Anglo-American-Aus tralian interests have not yet re ported oil in the eastern end of New r Guinea; but they have

abandoned none of their effort and, if oil is not immediately in sight (the portents are good) they seem determined to go on. Active co operation between Dutch and Anglo-American oil interests is likely; and this may be another factor of significance.

We have reached, in relation to the whole island of New Guinea, a situation that would have been reached six years ago, had we had less fanaticism and more plain commonsense in government. The immediate outlook although somewhat out of focus because of the Australian Government’s fear of the next election —is good; and, if it is not dislocated by another incursion of Socialism, and UNO interfesrenee of the Evatt brand, it may produce results of a remark able feind. After all, we cannot continue to spend six or seven million pounds per annum in a Territory, no matter how un skilfully or wastefully, without creating something noticeable — even if it is only the enrichment of a deserving tribe of enterprising traders!