W. N.-Guinea?

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By R. W. Robson

SEVERAL weeks ago, when it seemed that the Netherlands Government would concede to the Indonesians some right to share in the administration of Western New Guinea, Australia broke into the discussions, and let both parties know that any admission of Indo nesians to New Guinea would be most unfavourably regarded by Australia. Australia, in this, was supported by United States.

There now is developing a plan jnder which the Dutch will continue to govern Western New Guinea, jnder the supervision of a Com mission, set up jointly by Nether lands, Indonesia, Australia and United States. It appears that Indo nesia would consent to this, on condition that it does not surrender ts ultimate title to sovereignty in Western New Guinea.

It is not a pretty compromise. If t is accepted, it will not be settle ment creditable to Australia. It is /ital to the future of Australia and he South Pacific countries that the vhole of New Guinea be kept under European control, as some sort of i barrier against Asiatic aggression.

Po accept any guarantees from Indo icsians would be foolhardy, in the extreme.

A FAR better settlement is repre sented by the suggestion that \ustralia should purchase Western Vew Guinea from the Dutch, and idminister it alongside of Papua as Jart of its tropical territories—much n the way that United States bought Louisiana from France for 1U million dollars in 1803.

Indonesia would howl, of course; ?ut neither Australia nor Holland iced be concerned about that. India, Pakistan and Burma, which support [ndonesia’s claim to Western New Tuinea,| probably would be unhappy; ?ut their feelings in this matter are ess important than the maintenance >f the defensive barrier in New 3uinea, THERE have been many rapid . changes in this Indonesian iituation in recent months. The \greement between Holland and Indonesia, made late in 1949, (under vhich the Dutch, abandoned in 1946 ?y Socialist Britain and indifferent America, were compelled to sur ender to the Indonesians their lovereign rights in the East Indies) )rovided for a settling-down period )f two years.

Therefore, at the end of 1951, there was another conference at The Hague, for consideration of outstanding differences—the chief of which were Western New Guinea, the fate of Dutch investments in Indonesia, and the future of about 250,000 people of Dutch-Indonesian blood, who regarded the East Indies as their home.

The Hague Conference was still squabbling about Western New Guinea early in 1952, when pro ceedings suddenly were adjourned and the Indonesian delegates hurried back to Jakarta. This seems to have been due to two things.

The Dutch Government (which is led by Dr. Drees, a Socialist) was inclined to make concessions to Indonesia on New Guinea, on con dition that a guarantee was given in respect of Dutch interests in Indo nesia. This was bitterly opposed by non-Socialist interests in Holland— and also by Australia—and there were strong representations made on the point in New York, Meantime, economic and political troubles had been clustering ever more thickly around the Indonesian Government in Jakarta. The feeding of over 70 millions of people was no easy task for the Dutch; and under the Indonesians themselves the country’s economic machinery has been steadily deteriorating. This of course has been reflected in growing political troubles.

Apart from the revolution in the

Moluccas—which has been going on for two years and is now concen trated in a lively campaign between Indonesian troops and 20,000 gueril las in Ceram Island—there have been savage little outbursts all over the archipelago.

The Reds have been very busy. In August, 1951, the Government sud denly struck against Communist penetration and arrested hundreds of Red agents, and imprisoned them for a time. But they now are all free again, and they are again active, and making the most of the discontent created by economic dislocation.

So the delegates from The Hague returned to a turbulent situation.

There were a number of Govern ment changes and, from mid-Febru ary to early April, no. Government at all. Then a Dr. Wilopo, leader of the “National Party”, became Premier and is still carrying on, pending a general election.

The influence of the clamant and prominent Dr. Soekarno, collabora tor of the Japanese, seems to be

waning. It was he who said on October 28, 1944: “This (introduc tion by Japanese of conscription) is a very useful proposal because we now can take our share in the destruction of England and America.” And, on August 16, 1944: “Right and justice are on the side of Japan.”

The Hague conversations, discon

tinned in January, seem to have been resumed at the end of March, after Dr. Wilopo’s government took over.

They had gone a certain way in the direction of compromise (admittance of Indonesia to New Guinea) when Australia’s Foreign Affairs Minister (Mr. R. G. Casey) visited Jakarta and, early in April, let the Indones ian Government know (as per his statements in Australian newspapers on April 8) that the contemplated settlement was unfavourably re garded in Canberra.

Within the following month, various unofficial reports showed that there now is a move towards Joint Commission Control.

The thing is likely to take more definite shape as soon as the Indo nesian elections are over and there is a more stable Government. It is significant perhaps that there has been no move towards settlement through the United Nations Organ isation. Australia has “had” the United Nations, so far as New Guinea administration is concerned.

THE removal of the Dutch from the East Indies by the Western nations, after 350 years of successful administration, is the greatest tragedy of the post-war period. And the greatest tragedy within that tragedy is the fate of the quarter million people of Dutch-Indonesian

blood for whom the East Indies is their natural home.

These are a good type of people, literate, Dutch-speaking and gener ally enjoying European status. They are not wanted by the Indonesians and there seems to be no place for them in the Netherlands Empire.

There are 8,000 of them in Holland, but they are not happy there—they prefer a tropical environment.

Under The Hague agreement of 1949 they were given until Decem ber 27, 1951, to make up their minds whether they would have Dutch or Indonesian nationality. A few thous ands of them decided to become Indonesians: but 200,000 rejected the Indonesians and retained their Dutch status.

Since then, their condition has been deplorable. The Indonesians dislike them, and try to make their lives miserable, and the Dutch can do nothing for them. They have pleaded most urgently that they be assisted by Holland to make a mass migration as colonists to Western New Guinea, which is an enormous Territory, with only about one million natives. But the Dutch say that it is a most primitive region of vast swamps and great mountains, with only 300 miles of roads, and no labour supply, and few facilities to assist colonisation.

Unless the thing is tackled with vision and vigour, the colonisation of Western New Guinea by these folk does not seem possible. Yet their situation is unhappy, in the extreme.

TF Australia were run by Ameri cans, or any other people of foresight and tireless energy, I think I know what would happen. The Indonesian problem would be promptly settled by the purchase of Western New Guinea; some of the resources, both human and financial, which Australia now pours into Eastern New Guinea, would be diverted to Western New Guinea; quick preparations would be made on a big scale for the introduction and settlement of those 200,000 Indo- Europeans from Indonesia, and of sufficient non-indigenous labour to meet their requirements; and steps would be taken for the creation of a really worthwhile sub-Australian tropical empire in the great islands of New Guinea, Bismarck archipelago and, maybe, the Solomons.

It is an inspiring idea and, as I said, I could see the Americans doing it, and making a resounding success of it. But I cannot see it being done by Australia. Australia bas the men, and the means, and the iced, and the opportunity; but Aus ralia’s governmental leaders are so

shackled by bureaucratic ties and political inhibitions that they seem unable to get on with any really big plan.

Western New Guinea probably will be settled by compromise, along the lines indicated, and the Indo nesians sooner or later will be admitted to New Guinea. If that happens, Australia will deserve what it will get.

The Apia Bowling Club, which has been inactive for several years, has now been reformed. A large number of old and new members have been enrolled and the new club looks for ward to a successful initial season.

Mr. Phillip Woonton, well-known trader and pearl dealer of Penrhyn Island, Northern Cooks, was a visitor to Rarotonga in April.

Father A. Maye, M.S.C, returned to the Sacred Heart Mission station on Yule Island, in April, after two years’ leave spent at his home in Switzerland. Father Maye has been 15 years on Yule Island.

NZ fruit wholesalers will accept Western Samoan bananas in smaller cases than formerly but will pay the same price. This concession is equivalent to a rise of 20 per cent, in the price to the grower.