Dismal Outlook In The

World

rHE outlook, both domestic and international, is ugly and de iressing. Well-balanced folk say iat this is the time for a little ptimism. It is hard to avoid the seling, however, that some sort of risis in human affairs is close.

Uneasiness is world-wide. The bief cause of international tension, f course, is very plain. The world’s revolutionaries, centred on nd directed from Moscow, com letely dominate the score of ations now flying the Red flag, nd they all are working fanatically, irough millions of hidden agents, 3 weaken the free nations from ithin, so that they can the more jadily destroy us, when the signal given. Only a fool would deny lis. The evidence is all around us, i weak and crooked politicians, in ustrial dislocation, economic coll ision.

The thing that is not so easy to :e, and the causes of which are enerally obscure, ds the resigned (difference of the better classes to hat is going on. There is no ex iosion of public anger against the >-called public men who are cy ically destroying our most cher hed institutions; no concerted tempt to clean up the politico :onomic mess within, so as to meet ic totalitarian threat without.

It is as if the people of all the Western Powers are saying, “Let us it, drink and be merry, for to orrow we shall be the slaves of ie Communists! ’

In the past, within living memory, there always hitherto has been a quick, definite reaction by the more intelligent and responsible classes against any attempt by the lower strata of human society to go on an economic or social rampage.

There has been no hesitation in de fending the conditions of life, and the public institutions designed for government, which we have evolved so painfully in two thousand years of sociological struggle. But to-day, outside the United States, there is not anywhere a sign that the majority of people are getting ready to resist, as a personal and patri otic duty, the thing that now, in huge and terrifying shape, threatens our individual freedom, and the human decencies.

Honeycombed by social and industrial saboteurs, the economy of most of the British nations, and of France and Italy, seems to be collapsing before our eyes. Britain herself is in a de plorable condition, and getting worse. The swing-over from the muddling Socialists to the Conserva tive Old Guard was too little and too late. No effective remedy is in sight for the facts that 45 million people cannot live on that small is land unless they export hugely; that their already inadequate markets are being seized by a restored Ger many and Japan; that they are be ing forced to carry again the in tolerable burden of heavy ar

maments; and that the industrial masses there have been taught in seven years of fumbling Socialism that they need not work the long, hard hours and make sacrifices that arc their only hope of salvation.

France is in no better condition.

Italy is worse—it seems likely that that over-populated nation, in the coming general election, will swing over to Communism.

The industrial masses throughout the “free world” are screaming for bigger rewards, shorter working hours, extended privileges. Even the United States, our only hope among the nations, is at this moment convulsed by strikes in her vital steel and oil industries. The world’s population is increasing by leaps and bounds, while the means of feeding and sheltering the people become less, instead of more. The pi:iful little men who, through the political machines, have forced themselves upon us as national leaders are, for the most part, run ning around wringing their hands, babbling platitudes and appealing to their swarms of useless Planners.

Controls and Planners make a recovery through fundamental eco nomic laws—based upon human selfishness, trade competition and supply and demand—practically impossible. Each Planner demands a Control; each Control begets two more Controls.

While we place our faith in pro fessional politicians. Planners and Controls, little can be done to help the nation by our natural leaders—* men prepared to give public ser vice from a sense of duty, as a per sonal sacrifice, and without reward*

Many such men were available once, before the Parliaments sur rendered to the political machines and the caucus rooms.

THE nations, plunged by war and blundering politicians into this incredible confusion, might have clawed their way out again to com parative quiet and peace, were it not for Russia.

While, after 1945, we disarmed, Russia armed. While we set out on a wild, socio-political spree, which gravely weakened our economic structure and created intense bad feeling between classes, Russia cre ated her huge bloc of Communist nations, and threw her mantle all across Asia. While we gloried in our World War II victory, Russia got ready to give effect to the dicta of Lenin and Stalin, that the best way to destroy Capitalism and change the world’s living conditions, is to impose Communism upon the nations by armed force.

Russia got ready to fight; but the penetration of the free world’s economy by her secret agents, and her propaganda among the un educated industrial masses, have proved so effective that, lately, she has hoped altogether to avoid war.

If nothing is done to end this political and economic confusion among us, the Western nations will

simply fall into the maw of the waiting Communists.

That is why this moment seems so critical. Everyone talks of “the impending struggle of 1954,” when both sides will be ready for the test of armed strength. Many politi cians argue that when we are fully armed, Russia will avoid conflict.

Unhappily, while our military strength grows, our economic and political strength, and our national morale, become perceptibly weaker.

Russia, already our equal, at least, in divisions and planes, will be ready to use her Hydrogen bomb in 1954—tests of it are scheduled for next month. Russia is deter mined that we shall have no help from Western Germany or Japan— that grave communist rioting in Japan, and to-day’s friction on the Berlin Autobahn , are of Red origin.

If war is unavoidable—and this uncompromising clash of ideologies seems to make it so—it might be as well to have it now, before Western morale further deteriorates.

NORMALLY, there could be no doubt about the outcome.

Neither Russians nor Chinese ever have been noted for military prow ess; once keyed up to the job, the Westerners could beat them thor oughly in any kind of armed con flict, Both Russians and Chinese

have survived as independent nations, hitherto, because of theii endless masses of men, and the end less distances in their defended areas; But if this decay in Western morale continues—largely the re sult of conditions created by the Red bloc —the overthrow of Russia would not be a foregone conclusion.

The signs and portents are not reassuring. There is stalemate in Korea and Malaya; active friction at many points where the Red and the Western systems touch; almost intolerable and growing arrogance on the part of the Russians in places in Central Europe, especially Germany.

Some think Russia is embarrassed by growing resistance to her rule behind the Iron Curtain, and sc fears to fight. Others see no move by the West to precipitate the struggle because of the American Presidential election; America may want her new leadership established before resorting to action.

But, whenever it comes, and whatever the circumstances, posi tive action at last will be a relief, Since 1939, we have had 13 years of struggle, sacrifice, and snarling discontent. Is it too much to hope that, with the destruction of the Communist horror, poor old human ity again will know a period ol quietness and peace?