December Approaches
pp. 7-8 · Read in the full issue
Western N. Guinea Issue Grows 'Hot’ as December Approaches
DEVELOPMENTS in Indonesia, seen through Australian eyes against the seething background of Asia, present a picture that has an ugly appearance for all residents of the South Pacific.
The Pink Planners of the United Nations succeeded in forcing the Dutch out of Indonesia. Power in the East Indies was promptly seized by a gang of anti-European Javanese, calling them selves the Republic of Indonesia, who had been coached and trained by the Japanese.
The Indonesians, on January 1, took over all the former Dutch possessions except Western New Guinea, the status of which is to be settled before December 31.
Ever since then the Indonesians, with an arrogance which is very hard to bear, have been insisting that Western New Guinea must become theirs. Australia, which fears Asia in general, and Asiatic Communists in particular, has made it clear that she does not want Indonesians on her northern frontier. Dutch New Guinea is a sort of barrier between Aus tralia and Indonesia; and Indonesians are not desirable neighbours—simply because, being racially inferior to Europeans, and lively events in relation to Indonesia. The they are quite undependable.
While the conflict in Korea between the Western and the Communist forces has been building up into major issues likely to convulse the world, there have been lively events in relation to Indonesia. The Australian newspapers have been excitedly publishing masses of material about the situation; but few people probably have been able to follow it all.
IT all started when, in July, the Dutch- Indonesian Commission set up in January last to consider the future status of Dutch New Guinea announced
that it saw no possibility of an agreement.
On August 17, Soekarno, president of In donesia, said: “If settlement by negotia tion cannot be reached by the end of the year, 75 million people will stand behind me in demanding possession of Western New Guinea.” It was an aggressive speech, and Soekarno spoke of “a major conflict.”
Next day, Australian newspapers played up a report that the Aru and Tenimber islands, between Western New Guinea and Australia, had been occupied by Indo nesians. That was simply scare mongering. The Dutch have made no claim to those little islands. The Aru and Tenimber groups, though so close to Australia, have never been part of the Dutch New Guinea administration; al though, geographically, that is where they belong.
On August 21, a new Indonesian “am bassador” to Australia, Dr. Oetoyo said Indonesians found it hard to reconcile Australia’s former role in “cutting short Dutch colonialism in Indonesia” with Aus tralia’s present “seeming desire to pre serve Dutch colonialism to New Guinea.”
AT the same time, there were statements by Australian Prime Minister Men zies, now returned from abroad, and Foreign Minister Spender, now in Paris — that “in the Australian Government’s judgment there is no foundation whatever for the claim that Dutch New Guinea belongs to Indonesia.”
In Sydney, a Dutch official, Dr. Jean de Bruijn, told newspauers that, if invaded, the Dutch would defend Western New Guinea, and all the natives would assist them.
Australian newspapers, now in a sort of frenzy, announced that the Northern
Military Command had been extended over Papua, New Guinea, New Britain, New Ireland and Manus, and “top-rank ing officers” were putting in an organisa tion there.
On August 22—probably by way of com mentary!—it was reported from the Philippines that that native republic, although it had received no less than two thousand million dollars from USA since 1945, had now an accumulated deficit of two hundred million dollars, and that the national economy was on the verge of collapse.
SOEKARNO, on August 25, echoing his “ambassador” in Canberra, told pressmen that Australia’s popularity in Indonesia had declined in recent months— he could not understand why Australia could not cultivate “good neighbour” relations with Indonesia. He also warned the Dutch that they should try to “understand our viewpoint in re lation to Western New Guinea.”
These Javanese revolutionaries ap parently cannot understand that the pro-Indonesian policy put into effect in the critical 1946-49 period by the Aus tralian Communist wharf-labourers, and by Dr. Evatt through his most mischievous “UN Commission on Indonesia.” did not in any way represent the opinion of the Australian nation. If the Australians have any instructed feeling in the matter, it is overwhelmingly pro-Dutch, as expressed by its anti-Socialist Government.
AT the end of August, it was disclosed that Mr. Spender had entered into long conferences at The Hague, with the Governor of Dutch New Guinea pre sent. The effect was summed up in a statement by Mr. Spender that “Western New Guinea must remain in safe hands, and the Government of Indonesia, being unstable and politically immature, is not capable of assisting the native peoples of New Guinea in the way required”; and a Reuter report that the Dutch Govern -
ment had been greatly encouraged and strengthened in its attitude towards New Guinea and the Indonesian demands Next day, in a statement made in Indo nesia, Soekarno said he could not under stand Mr. Spender’s viewpoint; and Indonesia would press her claim on Sep tember 30. when the Dutch-Indonesian Committee met at The Hague in a final effort to settle their differences.
Two days later, the Indonesians at Lake Success issued an aggressive statement, challenging Australia to choose her future course.
Suggestions from Indonesia that a ioint Dutch-Indonesian administration over Western New Guinea, arranged by the United Nations, might be possible, was commented on by Mr. Spender. He said Australia would not agree to any un necessary interference by the United Nations—not even by the “Commission on Indonesia.” This, of course, was a slap at the pet instrumentality of Dr. Evatt (Mr. Spender’s predecessor in office), which helped the Indonesians so much in ousting the Dutch.
ON September 9 came the newspaper report (unofficial and unconfirmed, but piquant and probably true) that Mr. Spender and the British Foreign Minister had clashed, Mr. Spender wanted support for the Dutch in relation to New Guinea. Mr. Bevin was unwilling to give that support, on the ground that Indonesian nationalism should be en couraged, in order to prevent the local spread of Communism.
The British Socialist Government gave independence to Burma and India, and aid much to help drive the Dutch out of the East Indies. To-day, the extrava gance, inefficiency and corruption which have almost destroyed the Philippines are rampant in Burma, and are making an increasingly strong appearance in India and Indonesia. Everything that Socialist Britain has done in the Far Fast since 1945 has weakened the Amer. '.an-Aus tralian defence structure against Asia in the Pacific. Little wonder thf L Mr.
Spender, playing a remarkably * t rong hand in relation to Western New Gix.nea, looks with jaundiced eye upon the feeble platitudes of Britain’s very sick Foreif Minister!