The End Of The Coed War

THE events which will spring from this incident in Korea will have a pro found effect upon the future of mankind.

They may lead to World War 111. That is up to Russia. World War 111 would mean horrors indescribable—atom bombs, for certain, and probably bacterial war fare. If we fail in that war, we shall see the end of Western Civilisation and the beginning of another Dark Age, in which we shall carry the yoke of Mus covite Communism.

If we win that war, we shall destroy this monstrous system which the Mus covites have created out of the writings of Karl Marx and their own crazy egotism, and we shall have the chance of establishing in the world an era of peace and plenty—to which poor humanity surely is entitled, after all these centuries of horror and struggle. ♦ * • IF Russia does not fight, now, her mana will be gone. The Anglo-American Powers then will have the oppor tunity of breaking down the Red Bloc, and restoring political sanity and peace to the world.

One or other of these things must hap pen. We shall know, before the northern summer turns to autumn, which it is to be. It is the end of the Cold War. . . .

We must pay tribute to the Americans, for the promptness and decisiveness with which they acted. * * * KOREA and the Koreans—a particu larly unlovable type of Asiatic— mean nothing. It just happened that Moscow-inspired events there pre sented a clear challenge to all the prin

ciples for which we fought World War 11, and which the United Nations was formed to establish and protect.

The challenge was bound to come, somewhere, very soon. The Western Democracies were bound to meet it.

Otherwise, Western civilisation would have collapsed, and Muscovite rule taken its place. * * * JUDGING them on War and Post-War J events, the Moscow gang will not show their hand immediate iy. Even if they are planning total war, we may not know for weeks.

Russia probably will try first to involve the Westerners in a struggle with Com munist China. China, at any moment, m ay SU pp or t North Korea, or thrust at Formosa, or attack Hong Kong, or go to the aid ’ of the Reds in indo-Chiha or Malaya. Anything of that kind will mean war with China. jj u t a wai . with China, with Russia officially neutral in the background, would p e a maddening and confusing thing, what could we do against scores of mil hons of Chinese, with no strength except in their countless numbers, ready at any time to retire into the depths of Asia?

It could be like turning a trained boxer loose on a feather bolster, The w es t, ern Nations are out to get Russia and not to dissipate their strength against China, ‘ * * * INTERNATIONAL publicists have been j[ trying to present the Korea affair as an attempt by the United Nations to uphold the UN law. The British nations and Holland have hurried to the side of the United States. The Com

munist members of UN are hostile, and non-Communist members are doing nothing. .

It looks like the end of the United Nations. It looks as if the duty of de fending Western civilisation will devolve upon the English-speaking nations, with the Scandinavian nations, Germany and Japan coming presently to their aid.

The Anglo-American nations should have accepted that duty and responsibility in 1945, and become the policemen of the world, for the general good of humanity.

Instead of that, the British people went off on a mad Socialist spree, the two Powers (United States and British Com monwealth) chiefly responsible for our overwhelming victory disarmed them selves, and Russia was left free to terrorise the world.

It is possible to argue that, if Britain had kept Mr. Churchill in power, there would have been no irresponsible dis armament, no failure to challenge Russia, no attack on the democratic world by Muscovite Totalitarianism, no over-runn ing of Asia by the Reds—and no threat of World War 111. * * * IF World War 111 comes, it will flare up in South-east Asia, the Middle East, Europe and perhaps North Africa, on many fronts and in a few hours.

The South Pacific countries will not be menaced bv it, however, as they were by the Jans in 1942. The Russians and Asiatic Communists have huge armies, but no sea-power. Without sea-power, they could not send troops or planes against us.

Our chief danger would be from bombs, and perhaps small planes, directed from huge trans-ocean submarines. Russia has several scores of such submarines ready for operations in the Pacific. They could seriously harass us, but they could not invade us.