We Now Are Under United States Protection
pp. 7-8 · Read in the full issue
T'WO years ago, we in the Pacific A lived in complacent security, under the White Ensign and the Anglo-French Alliance. A few voices warned that a combination of the three predatory nations (Germany, Italy and Japan) might mean a re turn to jungle law and the destruc tion of our Pacific world; but most people dismissed the idea as fan tastic.
Ten months ago, Germany crushed France and, with Italy as attendant jackal, began to divide up Western Europe, North Africa and Asia Minor, as spoils. Now, we were shaken; but, still, we felt remote and secure, our trust in Mother England.
Six months ago, Japan became the official ally of Germany and Italy.
The three predatory nations now were together, shrieking for the kill.
We in the Pacific faced stark reality at last. Between us and probable enslavement—possible extermination —there were only the deeply pre occupied British fleet, and the then uncertain goodwill of the United States.
To-day, we feel secure again; but all our complacency is gone. We know, now, that had it not been for the clear vision, unswerving courage and inspired leadership of one of history’s greatest men, Britain to-day might have been fighting her last grim battle, and we here in the Pacific almost certainly would have been facing something worse than death. Within a few months, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, President of the United States, changed the face of the world, and the course of history. is neither exaggeration nor A hyperbole. Without the moral support and material help of America the British Empire could not have survived, in the form in which we know it to-day.
Historians, with a better perspective
upon present events, will say that, had America stood by wnile tne Axis disrupted the British Empire, the United States themselves surely would have been enslaved, and the home of democracy destroyed. But that consideration never must ob scure the greater fact that the United States, coming to our aid so promptly, and in such generous, overwhelming measure, allowed us to carry on the war with our chins up, while our home lands remain unsoiled by the Nazi hoof, and our effort is not de flected by the howls of the jackals in the Mediterranean and the Orient.
Before it is all over, the British Empire will be sorely battered and mauled. But, with American help, we shall survive and, with American help, we shall create a better and cleaner world, fit for free men to live in. We shall know, not a “New Order” or a “Co-prosperity League”, under which the world would become a plaything for egocentric dictators and racial fanatics, but an Anglo- American Peace, in which human decencies will be preserved, and “free dom shall not perish from the earth”.
AS this is written, newspapers and radio commentators are moaning about “our grave reverses in Libya and the Balkans”, and the Russo- Japanese Pact, and “the black out look”—typical of the way the people are misinformed and misled. The Balkans and Libya battles are im portant only insofar as they are keeping the Nazis away from the Suez Canal and the Haifa oil-line; and the Russo-Japanese “agreement” does not alter the general strategical position—unless it should be the final factor in inducing Japan to enter the war and commit national hara-kiri. The average commen tator’s view of the war is obscured by the smoke of the battles. These
are grave, grim days, in which we are sacrificing our finest men and dis sipating our national wealth; but the outlook is not discouraging. This war will be decided upon the sea, and in the air.
TT?i arly in June > 1940, just when Hitler was directing his Panzer
divisions against France, this fore
cast was published in the PIM:— Much of France will be over-run, and the valiant French armies will be partly crippled.
But the French will not surrender.
There will be bitter fighting against Italy in the Mediterranean, probably with heavy naval and air losses on both sides. Italian sub marines will severely damage British shipping in the Atlantic, Indian Ocean and Pacific.
The United States, and Turkey, will enter the war, beside the Allies.
If Italy attacks a Balkans country, Greece wall join the Allies, and Russia may enter the war against Italy. Roumania may join Ger many.
Hitler, at an early moment, will launch a terrific attack against Britain, by air and sea.
The Allies should expect no victories and little encouragement this summer. They will be “all out” to save themselves from disaster.
They must hold on; and they will be aided therein by the dominating strength of the British-French-A meric an fleets. That fact may keep Spain quiet.
Meanwhile, the United States will come to their aid, with aeroplanes, munitions, sea power and, if needed, a great expeditionary force.
Russia and Japan remain as incalculable factors. Either Power may go either way.
The war will begin to change in the Allies’ favour in 1941, as a result of their mounting air-power, plus their existing sea-power.
But there are black months ahead.
Except that the collapse of France
was unforeseen—like Mr. Churchill,
we expected that France would con tinue to fight, from her bases in North Africa—that was a reasonably accurate forecast. And it still stands —especially the sentence: “The war will begin to change in the Allies’ favour in 1941, as a result of their
mounting air-power, plus their exist
ing sea-power”.
Therein lies our future hope.
Britain, alone—and even Britain and America in combination cannot challenge German military power in Europe. But if the German Panzer divisions can be kept in Europe (their
appearance in Libya certainly is dis concerting, if not alarming), and we maintain our command of the sea, plus our tremendous and growing striking-power in the air, we should begin to note the turn of the tide late in 1941. Before then, we must sur vive the still unforeseen perils of the European summer, and master the colossal submarine-dive bomber at tacks on our Atlantic shipping.
MEANWHILE, here in the Pacific, supported by growing evidence of America’s goodwill and friendship, we calmly await what the morrow may bring forth. If Japan elects to challenge the combined might of Britain and Holland (which inevit ably means also the United States), we can face the issue confidently.
The nation which invokes armed might shall perish by the sword.
It is more important that we shall plan for the post-war to-morrow. We foresee a period in which the world will be divided between the Nazi tyrants, and an Anglo-American alliance. The swift, decisive steps taken by President Roosevelt mean, not only that the United States will help Britain through this war, but that Britain and America are linked permanently together, for their mutual protection, for the freedom of mankind, and for the solution of the countless problems—political, econo mic, industrial, social—produced by our too - rapidly - developing civi lisation; and which, if not solved, will surely lead us into more wars. * * * WE in the Pacific—British, French, Dutch—should recognise that already we are living under the pro tection of the United States, and that this is likely to be a permanent con dition. Its implications will become clearer, as the months pass. It does not mean the severance of home ties —it means that the Pacific nations and territories, like the South Ameri can countries, will depend, for their safety and freedom, upon the guar dianship of the world’s greatest re public, and the protection of the Anglo-American accord (which may become a formal alliance).
The masses of people who, in Sydnev, Brisbane, Auckland and Tahiti, in March, wildly cheered the visiting American warships, and over whelmed them with hospitality, are not political analysts—but, instinc tively, they knew and appreciated the position.