Colonies

Fateful Days In The French

Governors Swept Away by Peoples' Overwhelming Declaration For "Free France"

THERE have been three events of out standing importance in France’s South Pacific Colonies, since France surrendered to Germany on June 17.

First: A declaration by the French Governor (M. Henri Sautot) and people of New Hebrides, on July 18, in favour of Free France and General de Gaulle. (This was fully reported in August and in a French supplement of that issue.) Second: The arrival in Noumea, on Friday, August 30, of Sir Harry Luke, British High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, who obviously had come specially from Suva in an attempt to assist the French of New Caledonia in clearing up a confused situation—although it was evident that New Caledonia was for de Gaulle.

Third: The announcement by the Premier of New Zealand that the French population of Tahiti had declared for the British alliance and the leadership of General de Gaulle.

In New Caledonia

rE position, in August “PJM.”, showed considerable tension in New Caledonia in mid-August. The people, generally, and through their Conseil-General (or elected House of Representatives, of 15 members) had de clared for the Anglo-Australian alliance, while the Governor, M. Georges Pelissier, although displaying all possible friend ship towards the British, continued to accept instructions from the Retain Gov ernment, in Vichy, France.

About the third week in August the French naval sloop Dumont d’Urville (1,969 tons, three 5.5 in. guns) com manded by Captain Quivrecourt, arrived in Noumea from Tahiti. The captain de finitely was pro-Petain; the crew, equally definitely, were pro-de Gaulle.

It was an impossible situation.

On the night of Sunday, August 18, two bombs were thrown into the grounds of Government House. One exploded, and broke several windows.

Tension continued for a couple of weeks. The successful resistance of Britain to German attacks, the out spoken adherence of M. Sautot to Gen eral de Gaulle, knowledge that only Aus tralian financial help (through the pur chase of her metals) was allowing New Caledonia to function economically, the announcement that the Colonies of French Equatorial Africa were renounc ing Retain and declaring for Free France —all had their effect on public opinion.

Towards the end of August, Mr. Bal lard, special representative of the Aus tralian Government arrived in Noumea from New Hebrides.

On August 28, the Conseil-General re affirmed its adherence to Free France and General de Gaulle, and demanded that Governor cease all communication with the Retain Government.

The Governor (a man with a distin guished record, and held in general high regard, who became Governor in April, 1939) in this difficult position, advised the Petain Government that he would re tire from the Colony.

On August 29, the Petain Government appointed Colonel Denis, Commandant of the military forces, to be Governor. The

Conseil-General of 15 members there upon resigned.

It was thought, apparently, that this would force a general election. But there was nothing to prevent the new Governor carrying on a military administration.

The situation was dangerous. The officials of the government and of the warship were pro-Petain. The people of the Colony and the crew of the warship were overwhelmingly pro-British.

It was reported that any attempt to use the guns of the sloop against the

British or the pro-de Gaulle people ashore, would cause a mutiny on the warship.

On Friday, August 30, the Fiji Govern ment yacht “Viti”, quite unexpectedly arrived in Noumea, bringing the High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, Sir Harry Luke, to discuss the difficult situ ation with the unhappy French officials.

Never was the arrival of a high official more opnortune. The Noumea people gathered spontaneously on the wharf (where the “Viti” had tied up close be side the French warship), waved French (de Gaulle) and British flags, cheered Sir Harry, and demonstrated vociferously for General de Gaulle and the British alliance.

Early in September, the British party were still in Noumea: and it was hoped that Sir Harry Luke, a man noted for his tact and diplomacy, would assist the French in solving their troubles.

Naturally, Sir Harry would do every thing possible to advance the cause of Free France; but it nevertheless was a situation calculated to give anyone a first-class headache. Here were the appar ent factors;— (a) The overwhelming majority of the people (everyone, indeed, except certain of the official class) was for joining General de Gaulle. This meant that Britain (or Australia) must finance the Colony—which Britain was quite willing to do. This meant the establishment of much closer

Sir Harry Luke (British High Commissioner for the Western Pacific), who visited New Caledonia early this month.

economic and political relationships—to which the New Caledonians were quite agreeable. But — (b) Japan is extraordinarily sensitive on this matter of the disposal of the French Empire.

Japan apparently thinks that the French Em pire is finished, and it only remains to be partitioned. The clear attitude of the Japanese press is: “If you (Britain) are going to get those South Pacific Colonies, you cannot object to our taking Indo-China.” (c) Neither Britain nor any Dominion has dis played any desire to take any French Colony.

Australia. however, is determined that no potentially-unfriendly Power shall become estab lished in New Caledonia, so near the Australian coast; while Britain, who is equally responsible with France for the administration of the New Hebrides, will not desert the French governor and community there, who have declared for General de Gaulle. (d) A very important factor is economic— namely, the monopoly enjoyed in New Caledonia, Tahiti and French Oceania by the Banque dTndo- Chine, a powerful organisation that has a re putation for ruthlessness and, definitely, is not loved by the French commercial community. Its headquarters are in Paris, and it has been re ported that certain people prominently connected with it are also associated with the anti-British elements of the Petain Government. It is pre sumed that, if Britain and/or the Dominions are going to give financial help to these isolated French colonies, it will not be done through the Bank of Indo-China. This bank is famous for its practice of charging people for the privilege of depositing their money in the institution.

That was the general situation in New Caledonia on September 9. Of course, it was likely to develop, in any direction, at any time.

Tahiti And French Oceania

THE same difficult and painful choice faced Monsieur Chastenet de Gery, described as one of the best Gov ernors Tahiti ever has known, “who has done more for the Colony in general, and the native people in particular, than has any other administration, in the past 30 years”.

The Governor and his staff, and the higher officers of the warship “Dumont d'Urville” (which remained in Papeete until mid-August) carried out what they believed to be their dutv and observed the orders of the Petain Government. But they clearly were out of sympathy with the people.

In mid-August, a plebiscite was taken, covering Tahiti, Moorea, and as many of the neighbouring islands as could be reached. The result was extraordinary: For General de Gaulle .. 5,564 For Petain Government .. 18 Thereupon (according to an announce ment by the Prime Minister of New Zea land on September 3) the Governor re tired from office, and a provisional gov ernment, consisting of three members of the Privy Council, took charge. On Sep tember 7 General de Gaulle requested the three to carry on the Government.

The economic situation in Tahiti is re ported to be serious. The products oi French Oceania (unlike those of New Caledonia) cannot readily find a market, and the Colony cannot be so easily financed. In such circumstances, the Bank of Indo-China is of little use. The Colony wants European goods: how are they to be bought?

The food position is not critical, how ever—only inconvenient, in relation to imported European foodstuffs. French Oceania produces foodstuffs abundantly.

What May Happen

NOW that several French Colonies (all French Equatorial Africa, all the South Pacific territories, and smaller places elsewhere) have declared for Free France, it may be taken as cer tain that a Free French Colonial Ad ministration will be set up, under General de Gaulle. It probably will function from England (although the establishment of headquarters ultimately in Africa is not improbable) and it will be assisted by

the British Colonial Office and financed by Britain.

New administrative and banking mach inery obviously will be necessary; and, probably, the repatriation of pro-Petain officials will be undertaken.

There had been hopes that French Northern Africa (Algeria, Tunisia.

Morocco) would have joined de Gaulle.

But it is clear, now, that those import ant colonies are greatly influenced by the French Navv: and, as a class, there is nothing more anti-British than the French naval officers. That has become evident since Petain’s shameful sur render on June 17.