And, To-day, Where Stands Japan?
pp. 7-8 · Read in the full issue
A YEAR ago, Japan’s expansionists were glorying in the Berlin-Rome- Tokio Axis and, although gravely em barrassed in China, were sharpening an ambitious sword, and gazing south wards. Since then, Britain and France, owners of much of the Pacific territory which Japan covets, have become em broiled in war—the opportunity for which Japan Irredenta had prayed.
But Japan stays quiet. When Ger many, in August, somersaulted towards Moscow, she left Italy cursing and Japan foolishly isolated. The Japanese Army is bogged in China; the United States fleet carries out grim exercises around Hawaii; and Japan is economically em barrassed and without a friend. “Don’t worry about Japan,” say the more super ficial observers. “She is harmless, now.”
But is she?
Japan may be bogged in China; but she occupies some of the richest parts of Eastern China, and with great vigour and skill she is converting those dis tricts into Japanese dependencies. She may be financially embarrassed; but a great Power, economically harassed and, for the moment, without alliances, does not lie down and die. Japan is still with us, the biggest factor in the West ern Pacific. And what is Japan think ing? Read this, for instance; — “The South Seas belong to the Far East, and Japan is entitled to share the wealth of those regions which Europe snatched while Japan was self-isolated.
It is necessary to rectify Japan’s eco nomic portion, and now is the psycholo gical moment, while European powers with interests in the Soiith Seas are pre occupied. To achieve fruition of our continental policy and make the New Order self-sufficient it is absolutely essential to utilise the resources of the South Seas ... It is sometimes proposed that Dutch oil be forcibly seized but
other methods can be tried at first. One method would be to demand that Japan, China and Manchukuo receive prefer ential access. It is unreasonable that natives should be compelled to buy ex pensive European goods when they want Japan's excellent and cheap goods.”
That is the voice of Japan, as ex pressed in “Pacific”, the official organ of the new Institute of the Pacific, a Jap anese society. About the same time, the Tokio “Yomiuri Shimbun”, the third oldest newspaper in Japan, said; "Japan needs the resources of the South Seas and of the Western Pacific countries.
We will prefer to take the Philippines peacefully, by way of economic pene tration . . . . ”
On January 16, “Nippu Jiji”, a Japan ese journal published in Honolulu, quoted K. Yoshimura (a Japanese resi dent there for 40 years) as warmly praising Japanese penetration of the Philippines; and another Japanese, lec turing to Japanese children born in Hawaii, said: — “We Japanese must be proud of our glorious island empire, which is about to assume world supremacy. We are not of a race that will remain satisfied for ever in a subjugated position. Children of immigrants may not be able to be come rulers of that country immediately, but they will in time . . .”
“Immigrants”, of course, means Jap anese settled in the American territory of Hawaii. rESE quotations, examples of Jap anese territorial ambitions, could be multiplied a hundredfold. But they are sufficient to show how the Japanese are thinking. Japan wants the Philip pines, with their rich vegetable and mineral resources, and their room for colonists; and she quite plainly is get ting ready to take over the great ter
ritory, when America withdraws. Japan looks eagerly at the Dutch East Indies: some day, perhaps, Holland will have no powerful friends, and the Japanese may be able to take over the world’s richest tropical colony. And, although it seems sheer foolishness now, Japan hopes some day to control Hawaii —else, why does she so fiercely maintain her grip over 150,000 Japanese in Hawaii, one half of whom officially are Ameri can-born citizens?
The Dutch, for years, have been un easy about the southwards thrust of Japan, and the way in which Japanese interests display an interest in East Indies oil-wells. The Japanese would not be human if they could forget that 60,000,000 people in the East Indies pro vide an enormous market for Japan’s manufactured goods; and that East Indies wealth (European investments there are not less than four billions of florins) would go far towards settling the economic difficulties which threaten to cripple Japan. Japanese covetous ness has been so marked lately—becom ing more outspoken as Holland became embarrassed by the European war—that Holland became seriously alarmed, so that the Japanese Foreign Minister, on February 9, directed the following assur ance to The Hague:— “It is necessary to tighten Japan's economic relations with various coun tries in the South Seas, and at the same time to emphasise our lack of territorial ambitions. We only desire to exploit the natural resources of the South Seas ”
Which means precisely nothing. Japan gave similar assurances regarding Man churia, and China; but there she is now, armed, dominant and defiant, in each place. But nothing will happen to the East Indies or Hawaii while the Euro pean democracies and the United States sre undefeated. Japan, as the gentle
man says, will merely “exploit the natural resources of the South Seas”.
THE position is vastly different in the Philippines. According to present . arrangements, the Philippine Islands become a completely independent re public on July 4, 1946, except that cer tain “mutually beneficial economic ar rangements” between the young nation and the United States may continue until 1961. As 1946 approaches, many people, watching Japan, have urged that postponement of Philippines independ ence is desirable. But, speaking in Manila on February 25, the United States new High Commissioner, F. B.
Sayre, supported the 1946 arrangement, on the ground that “the United States taxpayers are not willing to support the increasing costs of defending the islands”.
It is certain that, as the United States moves out of the Philippines, Japan will move in. Sixteen million Filipinos can not hold back ninety million Japanese.
Already, the vanguard of the Japanese is there. About 25,000 of them have turned the Davao (south-eastern) dis trict of Mindanao (the largest and most southerly island of the territory) into a Little Japan. Quietly and efficiently, they are taking control of various in dustries. They are preparing for a much closer union. Month by month, in an increasing degree, cultural rela tions are being developed. Thousands of Filipino students are being sent on friendly tours of Japan. Newspapers, radio and cinema insist daily that Jap anese and Filipinos are of the same racial stock —that their future lies to gether. Day by day, the move to post pone “Independence Day”, so marked a year ago, grows weaker. There will be no independence for the Philippines—it will be a Japanese Colony within a couple of decades.
AND then, what? Look at the map.
Japan, Formosa, Philippines make an almost continuous land chain, paral leling the coast of Asia, and pointing insistently southwards; and the next logical step forward is the Dutch Indies, or New Guinea. Japan will not halt in the Philippines; she dare not turn to wards Hawaii; already, she holds all the archipelagos of the Marianas, Marshalls and Carolines. Is it not inevitable that, sooner or later, she will be found knock ing at the door of rich, undeveloped New Guinea —at first, as a bowing and smiling commercial penetrator, but, pre sently, with gun and bomb, after the manner illustrated in China in 1937-39?
Agitated old gentlemen urge us to make friends with the Japanese, and try to understand their desperate national problem. They must have mar kets, sources of raw materials and colonies —or perish. That is perfectly true; and it is the responsibility of the Caucasian Powers to help Japan to a solution of her problem. It can be done. But, in the doing of it, we must not forget caution, or drop our defences.
With all history to guide us, and with the rape of Manchukuo and China, Abyssinia and Czecho-Slovakia and Poland as recent demonstrations of how
far we may trust any covetous nation, we should recognise that constant readi ness, and the maintenance of mighty armaments, are the only guarantees of national safety and individual liberty in which we can put our faith.