Woodpile?

Nigger In The Unification

Papua Suspects New Guinea Goldfield of Dark and Dirty Designs

Contributed By A Papua Resident

THE project of amalgamation of Papua with the Mandated Terri tory, after being turned down twice, has appeared again. And this time we are told that it is official.

It comes supported by two rather specious arguments. The first is that, as a new capital has to be provided for New Guinea, a great deal of money would be saved by making Port Mores by the capital; but that, as P.M. is in Papua, amalgamation would be neces sary before this could be done.

The second argument is that, since Hitler is anxious for the return of New Guinea, and as his winning personality seems to gain for him everything that he asks, there is danger that Papua’s twin sister may be torn from her and given oyer to Totalitarianism. To pre vent this, N.G. should be incorporated with Papua, which, being a purely Aus tralian colony, is safe from Hitler’s pre datory claws.

These arguments may sound convinc ing to politicians and others who know little and care less about facts and con ditions. But they are so wide open to criticism that old hands begin to look sceptically for the nigger in the wood pile.

He’s there, all right. The nigger is labour.

Native labour is becoming scarce in N.G. The biggest employer of labour is Gold; and, for some time past, Gold has found difficulty in attracting enough la bour. A year or two ago an attempt was made to obtain labour from Papua.

The attempt failed, because Papua has no great surplus of potential labourers; and also because the Papuan Adminis tration was not willing to permit the em ployment of Papuans in conditions which it was not able to control.

Java was the next objective. But Javanese labour, though plentiful, is not inexhaustible. The Netherlands have a vast programme of expansion and development in Netherlands New Guinea and Sumatra: and it is expected that the whole of the visible labour supply will be absorbed. Consequently, the emigration of Javanese labourers is pro hibited except to countries where the traffic is established by custom.

Reference to the report of the New Guinea Planters’ Association for 1937-8 reveals the fact that “a serious short age of native labour is becoming mani fest throughout the Territory”. The re port points out that the number of

labourers employed in various industries has increased by 55 per cent, in the last five years, and states that the question of imported labour must be considered by the Commonwealth Government.

So the thoughts of Gold turned again to Papua. Amalgamation would bring all labour in Papua and New Guinea under one control. That done, there could be no objection to Papuans work ing for wages on the New Guinea goldfields. Hence the present talk of amalgamation.

BUT the comfort and peace of mind of one industry will not compensate for the many evils that must accom pany such a move.

We are told that it would be a much more economical arrangement. But would it? And we are told in the same breath that Civil Service salaries would be higher, and that better men would be attracted to it; which looks like an undeserved slur on two hard working services.

The Gold Companies, of course, are rich. They must have labour. They can afford to pay a rate of wages, and to give working and housing conditions, that no plantation or other industry could even consider. Papua is sparsely popu lated. Even the uncontrolled area of which we have heard such amazing things with regard to its density of population, proves to be but thinly peopled. Already, with the help of the oil-seeking companies, something like 90 per cent, of the estimated available sup ply has been absorbed. If the New Guinea goldfields are permitted to sat isfy their needs from Papua’s meagre resources, then somebody must go short.

That “somebody” will be, in the first instance, the coconut planter. The rub ber planter’s turn will come next; and soon every plantation in Papua will be starved out of existence. Once strangled, the planting industry is not likely to be revived; and agriculture, which is gen erally recognised as the mainstay of any country, must die in order that gold, an ephemeral product, may profit for a few years.

AS to any gain that is to be looked for in administrative method, there seems no likelihood, and but little hope, that such an object would be at tained by amalgamation. Major Furh mann, of Australia House, has just told us that the wise men of Geneva are quite satisfied with the administration of New Guinea; and the administration of Papua is generally accepted as a model by those whose job it is to study such things. So why not leave well alone?

The deeper one looks into the ques tion, the more devastating the project appears; at least, from the Papuan viewpoint.

Of course one may argue that the fittest must survive. And if Papua is not, through her assets and her posi

tion, fitted for survival, she must go under. But there are many who have a genuine affection for Australia’s first colony, and who would be unwilling to see it absorbed by its richer and more populous neighbour.

Although they would probably not ad mit it, old residents in Papua are proud of the admirable work that has been done by the Civil Service in the most trying conditions, and proud of their as sociation with the men who have done it. For years, many of us have critic ised them and quarrelled with them. We have advertised all their faults and sturdily denied their virtues. But through it all we have known that the beloved enemy would go far out of his way to help us in case of need; and we are most unwilling to see them com pulsorily retired on a pension to make room for younger and less experienced men from elsewhere.

An old dog for a hard road. Papua has many problems that have ceased to trouble men who have been dealing with them for years, we have learned that they would trouble extremely the hard boiled politician who looks for a soft and well-paid job as Governor of the com bined territories.

Further, we don’t want our labour laws altered to suit the view of any outside vested interest. After complaining of them for years. But it is certain that they really suit us very well. And we don’t want our land laws altered to con form with the less generous laws of New Guinea. Nor do we want the addea burden of taxation that is almost inev itable if amalgamation should become a fact.

IT seems highly probable that the ma jority of residents in New Guinea are as unwilling as we are to see amal

gamation brought about. The prospect of rich New Guinea having to finance poverty-stricken Papua, and to support a capital city on the wrong side of the mountain range, must be as repugnant to them as are to us any of the changed conditions outlined above.

At least, before the matter is carried any further, the European residents of

both territories should be given an op portunity of expressing their opinion and their wishes. Whatever the preponder ance of public opinion may be, it would surely be as well to know in advance whether the combination of two colonies with differing interests is likely to lead to general satisfaction or to discontent that can end only in disaster.

New Guinea Eager to Escape League Shackles By Gordon Thomas, Editor of “Rabaul Times”.

THIS is an age of mergers more especially in the commercial world.

Big companies with interests of a similar nature are merging, or establish ing combines or tacit understandings of some description, in order to eliminate competition, overhead expenses, or both.

Nations are following their example.

Little wonder, then, that “mergitis” should extend to Australia: and that we hear of the suggested unification of the Administration staffs of New Guinea and Papua, with the possibility of Port Moresby becoming the capital of the United Administrations.

Strangely enough, public opinion in New Guinea does not appear to be op posed to such a union, notwithstanding the fact that in February, 1934, a mo tion was passed in the Legislative Council:— “That the Legislative Council is of opinion that the amalgamation or fed eration of the Territory of New Guinea with the Territory of Papua is not in the best interests of the Territory of New Guinea, and is strongly opposed to any action by the Commonwealth Government which may remove or in terfere with the power of this Council

to legislate in relation to matters af fecting this Territory”.

The speeches by the members left lit tle doubt as to their opinions.

What the feeling is in Papua I cannot say—though it is common knowledge that a certain jealousy exists between the two territories, due possibly to the more prosperous times experienced in New Guinea on the one hand, and the senior political position and more bal anced administration which seem to pre vail in Papua on the other hand.

There are some people in New Guinea who speak of Papua becoming a burden on the more prosperous Mandated Ter ritory. To bear this out, they point to the difference in the surplus of the con solidated revenue accounts of the two territories; that of Papua for the three months ending September 30 was only £52, while New Guinea’s totalled £47,616.

Incidentally, for the same period in 1937 Papua’s was £17,317 and New Guinea’s £73,584. Certainly, an appreciable differ ence. On the other hand, it is more than likely that “overhead” expenses could be cut down in both territories, and the movement is definitely one in the right direction, when such aims as

uniform administration staffs and de fensive measures must be taken into ac count.

The question of the mandate, presum ably, will come up and, perhaps, appear a stumbling block. It is time, though, that there came a show-down of the mandate question, and a change brought about in its legal status, eliminating the League of Nations from its role of Mother-in-law and allow the Fathers— the Allied and Associated Powers—full control and undivided supervision, cast ing off the restrictions which the Lea gue idealistically imposes on countries requiring development in an economic sense, which can go hand in hand with the moral and social evolution of the native inhabitants.

The League’s connection with Man dated Territories has been nothing but an imposition, retarding their normal development, making the task of the Mandatory Powers doubly difficult—re quiring them, to a great extent, to stick their tongues in their cheeks and laud policies which they only half-heartedly approve.

New Guinea —comprising Papua and the Mandated Territory unshackled from the chains of the League, given Federal representation, a strong Admin istrator and a freedom from Canberra interference, would be the grandest country in the world. At any rate, in the* South Seas.

Rev. A. Freund, of the Neuendettelsau Mission Society (Lutheran), returned to his station at Awelkon, Siassi Island, New Guinea, at the end of November, after spending seven months’ leave in South Australia. He was accompanied by Mrs. rxeund.