White Prestige In Danger In

New Guinea

How Government Apathy and Individual Ignorance Have Created A “Serious Position”

By our Rabaul Correspondent

THE action of the Citizens’ Committee in Rabaul in making representations to the local authorities has received wide publicity.

From whatever angle the agitation is viewed, it makes “front page copy.” It is lively reading for the busy man in the city, and it gives political hucksters points to throw into the arena of the coming Federal election.

The “position” in Rabaul has been re ferred to as “serious”; crimes against European women are said to be “alarm ingly on the increase”: lack of discipline is described as rampant amongst natives; and the local Administration is accused of taking no steps to remedy the situa tion.

Conditions may be alarming and seri ous, but to the observer, who has been keeping an eye on events for the past 20 years, none of the conditions come as a surprise. They are individually and col lectively related to cause and effect,, in exactly the same way as conditions in other Empire countries. There are, or have been, grave situations in Africa, Palestine, India and, in a minor degree, in Samoa.

WHEN Australian civil administration took control of New Guinea there was a distinct reversal of native policy, as compared with that of the German administration. The latter was often re ferred to in Australia as “brutal” and “inhuman,” and “without regard for native welfare.” Political pressure from Australia, coupled with eagerness to please in every detail the whims of the

Geneva idealists, brought into practice by the New Guinea Administration a pro cedure not a policy of dealing with natives from an educational standpoint, in an endeavour to bring these primitive people up to a standard where they would be able to stand alone in this modern, complex world.

Discipline went by the board; any en forcement might be interpreted as a return to the “brutal” methods of the previous administration; legal processes became so involved, as a result of ensur ing “British fair play,” that in many in stances they defeated their own end.

Native uplift became a fetish and Western ideas were rammed down the throats of the bewildered natives until they began to suffer from cultural indi gestion. “Social dyspepsia” is the reason for the present “alarming” conditions and lack of discipline. The passing on to these natives of the white man’s “wis dom” has been speeded up far beyond the recipient’s capacity to absorb it.

Young New Guinea has no appreciation of what has been attempted. The high idealism of British justice and fair play are so much blether to the indigenous young bloods, who interpret administra tion legiency and welfare work as some thing achieved by the efforts and attitude of Young New Guinea itself.

THE greatest harm which has been wrought by the institution of this system of indulgence is the loss of pres tige to ’the white race. This is bad enough, in populated areas, but is con siderably increased on isolated planta

tions where a “Master” has under his control 50 or 100 natives on whom he depends for the working of his estate.

Prestige is a weapon of unknown value in a black country; the power which stands behind the white man has on many occasions been responsible for his welfare and a regard for his safety.

Eliminate that power, and remove that sense of prestige from the native mind, and you leave the white man dependent for his safety solely upon his own re sources; and that, in many cases, means recourse to force of arms. That, in turn, inevitably means -troublous consequences.

The argument has been advanced that the white man has no place in the scheme of things, insofar as a Mandated Terri tory is concerned, and that the Govern ment’s sole aim in such a country is to further native interests and native in terests alone. This, of course, is absurd on the face of it; for, if commercial in terests were eliminated from black coun tries, then the Government’s source of revenue would be eliminated.

IT is not inappropriate here to quote a remark made in the recent N.G. Legis lative Council meeting by the Hon. A. N.

McLennan, when he referred to the duty we are charged with, under the Mandate, of promoting to the utmost the material well-being of the natives.

Here the Hon. W. E. Grose interjected with the words: “The inhabitants!”

Continuing, Mr. McLennan said: “I have always regarded those words with considerable suspicion. I do not believe that Britain is in any black prim arily for the well-being of the native people; I do not believe that Australia is in this colony primarily for the well being of the native. I do not believe that the Administrator or his officials or any one else is in this Territory primarily for the well-being of the native people.

We are here primarily for our own bene fit. I do believe, however, that if we are just people and sane people, we will see that the well-being of the natives must go hand-in-hand with the well-being of the white people.”

Much depends upon the actual meaning of the word “inhabitant” in the terms of the mandate. The broader interpretation includes non-indigenous residents, but Government policies are inclined to ac cept the interpretation as referring only to the indigenous people. And therein lies one of the Territory’s greatest problems.

If the “material and moral well-being of the inhabitants” excludes non-indigen ous interests, then special provision should be made to protect and encourage commercial enterprises. If the terms of the Mandate are intended to include non indigenous in the word “inhabitants”, then Canberra should issue instructions to that effect, and modification of present policies will have to be introduced. And one of the first modifications in, this res pect will be the re-establishment of white prestige.

Another important decision would be the extent to which it is intended to edu cate the New Guinea native. If it is the intention to lift him above his present sphere of usefulness as a hewer of wood

and drawer of water, then Commercial enterprises should be so advised, in order that they may make provision for future labour supplies and so become indepen dent of the local native —whose economic position in any event never has compelled him to work. \LL these are abstract factors and subsidiary to the present “alarming” position in Rabaul.

It must be remembered, of course, that

natives in and around Rabaul are more sophisticated than in any other part of the Territory. Also, it must be borne in mind that amongst the white residents there are some who are unsophisticated concerning the ways of the native, and who probably do not realise that the in dividual has a responsibility to bear re garding his or her behaviour in a native country, and that their actions as indi viduals have no little influence in main

taining or destroying that prestige to which we have already referred.

Much is done in ignorance; and therein lies a work for the Citizens’ Committee which, if carried out, could do much good. Let the Committee instruct and advise newcomers as to their proper be haviour in a native country: the things to do and the things to avoid, in dress, deportment, and language.

In like manner, the authorities could well order a full muster of all indentured labourers in Rabaul and instruct them firmly as to their deportment towards whites, and their responsibilities as ser vants. There are hundreds of natives brought into Rabaul and put to work, who are quite ignorant of the more im portant laws and regulations of the country and have no idea of what they are expected to do or what they are pro hibited from doing.

Much of the present trouble is attri butable to Ignorance and Indulgence.

There is undoubtedly a work to be done by a Committee of representative residents, but that work must be gov erned by co-operation directed by con

structive motives, working with, and not against authority.

Providing, always, that authority is, in turn, working along practical, sane lines for the betterment of all.