How Shall New Guinea Natives Make and Sell Copra? (Letter to the Editor)
pp. 29-30 · Read in the full issue
Angus & Coote Soo
George St., Sydney
How Shall New Guinea Natives Make
And Sell Copra?
Outspoken Statement by Rabaul Resident Letter to the Editor IN your recent article on the “Two Mile Limit” of Rabaul, T.N.G., it seems to me that the full facts of the trouble there are not stated. The kernel of the matter is that the natives in that area are drying their own copra and marketing it at the full market price in Rabaul. Hence these tears.
Let me begin at the beginning. The various high chiefs around Rabaul have told me that, when the missionaries first went to New Guinea, the native chiefs were not very deeply impressed with the talk of a new religion; but they realised that the white man’s ways were more conducive to comfort than were the dark man’s ways. They liked the white men’s houses, their food, their talk; thereforefor the sake of their children, whom the missionaries promised to bring up in the white man’s way, the chiefs agreed to be peaceful and accept the new civilization.
The Germans took control. Later, under directions from the then German Administrator, Dr. Hahl, a wise and kindly man, the natives in the Rabaul district cleared large portions of their land, and planted the ground with coconuts. These coconuts they watched and tended until the trees were in full bearing, hoping, as Dr. Hahl had promised them, that the produce of the palms would be the means of their civil advancement.
In 1914 the Australians took control.
Our representatives at Geneva solemnly swore to “uphold the moral and material welfare of the natives.” It is fashionable nowadays to laugh at this “scrap of paper”; nevertheless these promises were solemnly undertaken.
About 1926, the ex-German plantations were sold to the highest bidder on very easy terms, which were, to returned soldiers, five per cent, deposit, a further 10 per cent, on taking possession, and the balance spread over 20 years. Certain German freehold trading stations were also sold at this time; the majority in the Rabaul district being bought by a certain trading firm at prices ranging from a few pounds upwards. Then was introduced the two-mile limit, which meant that, within a radius of two miles in every direction of a plantation, other trading stations were closed and the native planters were forced to accept for their nuts whatever miserable trade goods the planter cared to fling to them. This in spite of the fact that under Australian law the native is the freehold owner of his ground.
In 1933 political pressure was brought to bear, and another regulation was passed, that not only tvas there to be a two-mile limit in the case of plantations, but that the two-mile limit was also to apply to the freehold trading stations, the majority of which were held by the big trading firms. This infamous regulation automatically shut down all the leasehold stations, the owners of which (returned soldiers for the most part) were turned away to starve, and the natives were denied even the wretched advantage that they had had when there was free competition for their coconuts.
The north coast of the Rabaul district was practically divided up between four planters. The trade of the Kokopo Road was virtually monopolised by one big trading firm. One of these men made it an open boast that he was clearing £BOOO a year from the trade copra—and this was during the copra depression. (There are about 5000 tons of copra from native nuts in the Rabaul district alone.) The poor natives, who should have been receiving a total income of from £ 60,000 to £BO,OOO a year for their produce, had great difficulty in finding the ten shillings head tax for the Administration. Here is one instance: At Christmas, 1935, the high chief Tingai, of Toliligap, was thrown ten sticks of tobacco (manufactured in the dens of Chinatown) and one cup of rice as payment for himself and his 13 under chiefs for thousands of coconuts. The despoiled natives began to murmur, and talked openly of cutting down their coconut palms, which were now of no value to them, onlv an encumbrance, as they were forced under penalties to cut the grass under the trees and keep the pests out. They felt their position all the more when they saw that on the white man’s plantations the kunai grass was nearly as high as the coconut palms.
At this time certain independent white people, who had always kept in close touch with native thought, advised the natives not to take such drastic action as to cut down the palms, but to build their own hot-air dryers on their own land, dry their own coconuts and market their own copra to the best advantage, that is, with Rabaul copra-buyers. The natives replied that they had no money to build dryers.
So these white residents gave them sufficient materials to erect small dryers capable of producing up to three tons of copra a week. The natives built their 27 Pacific Islands Monthly, January 22, 1937 THE REASONS WHY '"v INCE ever men have made things, this or that manufacturer or merchant has claimed that his particular product is the best for some reason or other—This is just what we claim for Fetter Marine Engines. It remains for the prospective buyer to analyse the reasons for these claims and that is why we give you here the reasons for Fetters proven superiority.
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5 to 540 B.H.P. hot-air dryers and are now producing copra which is consistently graded by the C ? Pr S + in ? pector “ “first quality Rabaul hot-air copra. This meant that the natives at once leaped of pauperism to one of independence, as they now receive from £ 30 a week from each dryer.
When the remainder of the native planters saw undreamt-of wealth flowing into the lap-laps of the owners of the dryers, they promptly killed the pig, ta7)ihu-ed the white men’s trading stores and commenced building dryers of their own, also borrowing the money for materlal from the ow ners of the existing dryers.
The white planters and traders, now realising that their day was done, went from dryer to dryer threatening the nafives with calaboose, abusing and even striking them to force them to close down their dryers. These men were met by the natives with the blank non-co-operative policy of the tamhu. infuriated, the planters and traders appealed to General McNicoll. His Honour the Administrator inspected the dryers personally, inquired into the financing, appreciated the propriety with which the natives were behaving, and refused to interfere with the natives’ work. The high chiefs tell that this action of General McNicoll’s marks the first step forward the natives have been permitted to make since the German Administration of Dr.
Hs,hl.
Next, the natives began to say, and they had bitter reason to say so, that they had as much right to demand a two-mile limit around their plantations as did the white nominal owners of the ex-German plantations. They pointed out that, while the black men had flogging and gaol (punishments that can be compared only with those of the old penal settlements of Tasmania), pack-drill, and dozens of other things to prevent them from stealing the white men’s coconuts, the white men had had their coconuts for many years.
Then the infuriated planters and traders appealed to Canberra, spattering the name of General McNicoll with mud, but by this time the big Missions had awakened to the position and were ranging their influence behind the natives.
Canberra refused to interfere —without endangering the rights of private property Canberra cannot interfere. The native owns his ground. The white planter owns 5 per cent, of his, if he is lucky; the next greatest equity of 10 per cent, is with the big firms; and the other 85 per cent, belongs to the Australian taxpayers.
The next move of the disgruntled traders is to whip up the colour question.
There is talk of the “protection of our women and children.” Every white person who has lived in the Territory knows the silly “peeping Tom” tricks of halfgrown kanaka lads. Only an hysterical, crazy woman could stretch these sillinesses to mean “assault with criminal intent,” but for these offences the lads are flo r —ed in calaboose till their backs are lumps of bleeding flesh. I venture to say that not one in a hundred such offenders would, on such flimsy evidence, be convicted in an Australian or British Court of law. Shall I mention white men’s attacks on black women—white men with a heritage of two thousand years of civilization to strengthen their morality?
In conclusion may I point out that in this matter of the native coconut gardens lies Australia’s opportunity to prevent a repetition of the tragedy of the Australian aboriginals. Is it not better to see the New Guinea natives strong, well-fed and housed as decent self-respecting citizens, than to see them turned into poor cadging loafers begging for a tickapen from a white man? The high chiefs have kiwunged (met in council) and decided to build decent houses, buy decent food and build schools with their surplus funds.
I hope to see within the next few years the more intelligent of the natives being trained as doctors, lawyers and schoolteachers. All this is possible if the natives are allowed to receive the full market value for their produce. In the name of common humanity is this not better than to see the natives drift into a condition of apathy and degeneration, all to please a few selfish white men who have already been pampered by moratoriums and kept afloat by financing until they are far too big for their boots.