Defence

New Hebrides And Australia’S

IF some of the Australian news papers which conduct an ever lasting search for scandals, wherewith to destroy institutions and shake governments to their foundations, would turn their eager noses towards the Condominium of New Hebrides, they would find plenty of material. The present condition of the New Hebrides is a scandal which reflects discredit upon both Australia and Great Britain.

The position of New Hebrides is well known to those few who take any interest in extra-Australian politics. It was set forth, very clearly, in a long article which was published in this journal, in January, 1932. As a result of that article, we received letters from people in various parts of the

world, expressing amazement at the indifference of the British Imperial authorities towards what is going on, and urging that some action be taken. But in Australia—which nation is more seriously affected by the New Hebrides developments than any other —mo one, except officials of the Presbyterian mission organisation, displayed the slightest interest.

For half a century prior to 1887, the New Hebrides group was a No man’s-land, where the only recog nised law was the law of the heavy fist. The British were first into the group, as traders, recruiters and planters, but they were soon fol lowed by the French who, operating from New Caledonia, also acquired important interests. A Joint Naval Commission (British and French

naval officers) established a semb lance of government in 1887; resi dent commissioners, French and British, were appointed soon after 1900; and the present Government —a quite unique and interesting thing, in which two independent countries, Britain and France, are jointly responsible for a "Condominium" —was formed in 1907.

There is nothing of a scandalous nature about the Condominium.

The Administration officials, both British and French, have carried out their duties with propriety and efficiency during the last 25 years.

The Condominium can be criticised on two grounds—it is ridiculously costly, and it is probably the most slow-moving piece of administrative machinery on earth. Upon the

Joint Court, for instance, devolves the responsibility of making sur veys of land and granting titles.

Although it is 25 years since the Condominium was established, land titles have been granted only in respect of the small island of Efate.

So far as the rest of the Territory is concerned, there are no in defeasible titles; and therefore no real security for the establishment of plantations or industries.

The French, for their part, have carried on the development of the New Hebrides with vigour and industry. Paris has taken a direct interest in the establishment of planters, and there have been monetary grants and subsidies to French nationals, representing a large sum. France also has assisted her settlers by allowing them to bring indentured plantation labourers from Tonkin, so that planters had not to depend on the unsatisfactory and unreliable local labour. Whenever the group has suffered from hurricanes—and New Hebrides is well within the hurri cane belt —prompt monetary aid from the French Government has re-established the French planters.

Now look at the other side of the picture. There has been no monetary assistance given to the British settlers, in any shape or form —no subsidies, and no en couragement. When the British planters sought permission to in dent labourers, so that they might at least be on equal terms with their French neighbours—surely a most reasonable request—official dom frowned. When the request was persisted in, and it was pointed out that, if it were refused, British settlement in the New Hebrides must fail, a Commission of Inquiry was set up. It is believed that it recommended that relief be given the British settlers; but nothing was done, and its report never was published.

The New Hebrides group was pioneered, on behalf of Australia, by Sir James Burns, founder of Burns, Philp and Company. He and his companies acquired very large holdings of land there; and, when the Condominium was estab lished, he handed over the whole of this land, as a free gift, to the young Commonwealth of Australia.

The latter, of course, was expected

to prove its land titles before the Joint Court. No one seems to have any reliable record of what occurred, but it was clearly under stood at the time that Australia was to encourage the settlement of British people in the group, and the shipping company was to provide transport and communications.

It was an excellent arrangement, from Australia’s point of view. If anyone wants to know why, let him look at the map. Lying right along the north-east coast of Australia, distant from 750 to 1,500 miles, is a continuous chain of large islands —Papua and New Guinea, Solo mons, New Hebrides, New Cale donia, and Norfolk Island. The eastern portion of Australia is the part that requires defence; the forces against which Australia must be defended will come from the Pacific, if from anywhere; and this chain of Islands territories, there fore, is of vital importance to Aus tralian defence. If that factor was considered important in 1905, when Australia’s interest in the New Hebrides was under review, how much more important is it to-day?

The whole of that long defensive chain of Islands is British, except New Caledonia and part of New Hebrides, which is French. Britain is not concerned with New Cale donia, and Australia is hot likely ever to have to defend herself from the French. For the latter reason, there may be some who will say that it does not matter very much whether New Hebrides is under French or British control. But it matters very much. The time inevitably is coming when the possibilities of aeroplanes and sub marines will bulk largely in plans for Australia’s defence; and it is therefore vital that Britain should retain every vestige of control she now has in the barrier of Pacific Islands which now afford Australia a natural protection. Some of the finest harbours in the Pacific are in New Hebrides, Whatever arrangement was made between Britain, Australia and the pioneering shipning company, for the settlement and protection of New Hebrides, was not carried out.

At first, under the encouragement of the Commonwealth Government, some 60 or 70 British planters went

to New Hebrides, mostly from Aus tralia, and took up land. Within a few years, politicians who hated the British Empire, and who turned pale and sick at the very thought of Asiatic labour, got control of the Commonwealth Government; and the British settlers in New Heb rides were ignored and forgotten.

The war came, with its intense national preoccupations, and it was natural that nothing was done for New Hebrides. But, in the 15 years that have elapsed since the war— which has included a period of abundant money for administrative and developmental purposes—the claims of British settlers in the group have been deliberately and determinedly passed by. They have had no assistance from Britain and no encouragement from Australia; and, had it not been for the organisation maintained by Messrs.

Burns, Philp & Co., the group would have been lost altogether.

Why? No one knows. All that is known is that Australia still has substantial territorial interests in New Hebrides, which she has seemed desperately anxious to for get; and it is suspected that the super-sensitiveness of Australian Labour politicians concerning in dentured Asiatic labour was the reason why British settlers in the New Hebrides were refused the aid they so urgently required. The fact that the trade of the Western Pacific should belong naturally to Australia, and should have justified the maintenance of the New Hebrides connection, seemed not to weigh with the politicians.

When the Condominium was established, there were more French than British in the Group, but the difference was not very great.

To-day, there are barely 200 British, and over 1,000 French.

Scores of British planters have sold out to the French; others have obtained French nationality. Can anyone blame them? The French, despite the difficulty of obtaining land titles, have steadily extended their plantations, being helped by a sympathetic and alert govern ment. The British, through the in difference of the governments con cerned, are steadily losing all their landed interests —although they formerly had most excellent claims

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to permanent titles, made available by the patriotic action of Sir James Burns.

It is incredible that Australia, in view of her anxieties relating to defence, should permit her interests in New Hebrides to go by default.

Surely, someone will start an agitation for an examination of the whole position, so that at least a helping hand can be extended to the remnant of British planters re maining in the Condominium.

Someone, as a first step, should insist on the exhumation and con sideration of the New Hebrides Commission’s report; and, as a second step, should remind Aus tralia of the value of New Hebrides in a plan of defence. Finally, Aus tralia’s politicians —who to-day are running around shrieking excitedly about the menace in the Pacific should be asked whether they are satisfied to leave wholly to France the responsibility of guarding this important section of Australia’s defences.