Commentary

Gets Credit For

ettlement Plan?

ire a little startled, recently, i we found this para ph in a Hansard report of es Minister Hasluck’s de n Parliament on October s acts and policies in New : credit scheme for ex men settlers arose out of Personal and persistent cy and recommenda scheme had been put up Minister more than once, eriod of years; and we had inderstood that nothing at i have been done had not sident of the P-NG Re- Soldiers’ organisation, Mr. hunting, made a personal 0 the Prime Minister, in 1958. Then the Common- Government ear-marked ons for the plan, c-servicemen —while feeling 1 grant would have been ; more effective if made s sooner—expressed their i to Mr. Menzies. ig Mr. Hasluck’s state /e wondered if we had hallucinations, i the New Guinea Times of October 14, there is an tter on this subject from L Knight, for many years ting’s secretarial offsider in matters.

Inight, in almost brutal , declares that the settle leme never would have got le indifference of the and his Territories ad ad not the Prime Minister 3 himself personally in the If it had been left to ister, he says, there would fe been any settlement night should know. ☆ ☆

Should Fiji Do

B. D. Lakshman?

ars that, like the proverbial ird that could not rid itself ts identifying spots, the D. Lakshman, MLC, of Fiji, change his ways, he was elected recently to ve Council rank, it was hat he would accept gov al responsibility and keep are of Fiji in clear focus,

in relation to the welfare of the sugar industry workers, whom he dominates and directs. But already (end of October) Mr. Lakshman has returned to his old ways.

The sugar industry of Fiji is up against a world surplus in sugar production, and Fiji cannot—as ex plained elsewhere—send overseas all the sugar that can be produced from the cane that now is avail able and growing. There has got to be controlled production—that is in evitable —and all sections (including sugar workers) must adapt their thinking to that fact.

But Mr. Lakshman now comes out with a threat to organise a water front strike to prevent altogether the shipment of sugar, unless the Government orders anothef enquiry into the cane-price situation and the CSR Co. pays the growers more for the cane that is stored in the Northwest.

It was reported, late in October, that Mr. Lakshman, in a fiery speech at Tavua, demanded independence for Fiji—and defined independence as getting rid of all the people in Fiji from Britain, Australia and New Zealand.

It is reported that he said, flamboyantly, that he had 5,000 sugar-workers whom he could call out on strike at any time; and he asked the Indian cane-growers to follow him, should this course be Subsequently, when this stupid and provocative speech was reported to people in Suva, Mr. Lakshman denied making the statements at tributed to him; but the Suva people replied that their report came from a source hitherto found quite reliable.

A body of Fiji public opinion, is rallying against Mr. Lakshman.

There is a demand for more in formation about his activities in re lation to the union he controls, and about certain things done by him during the Honeyman enquiry. They are asking about Mr. Lakshman’s personal relationship with his plan for a college of engineering and technology. * * * The Government of Fiji has shown great patience with Mr.

Lakshman and the demands he has made on behalf of a special section of the people.

To avoid anything likely to dis turb industrial peace and economic stability, it twice arranged for ex pensive, far-reaching inquiries into matters affecting the sugar industry.

To Mr. Lakshman and his cohorts has been extended far more con sideration than actually they were entitled to. , A stronger stand, and a clearer

indicator! by Government of what the future may hold is called for.

Men like Mr. Lakshman fall into two categories. There are the per sistent, dedicated fighters for a cause they consider just, and for which they can show some semblance of reason; and there are selfish demagogues, whose calculated mischief-making is designed more for their own advantage, than for the benefit of the dupes they lead or the country they live in.

In a country like Fiji, bedevilled already by economic and social problems created by forces outside its control, men of the second category are a public danger, and should be removed. Mr. Lakshman is getting perilously close to the second classification. ☆ ☆ ☆

Why This Treatment of

NG EuronesiansP

ONE of the cruellest things in the social and economic set-up in New Guinea is seen in the way in which the small community of Euronesians there is treated by the Australian Administration.

Australia has shown, officially, an overwhelming concern for the welfare of the natives, and a tender regard for the Chinese community, for whom Australian citizenship and nationalisation privileges are now available; with some seeming reluctance it accords certain rights and privileges to the non-official Europeans; but it seems deter mined to give neither recognition nor status to the Euronesians.

There are some hundreds of these people in Papua and New Guinea.

The number is difficult to estimate, because the Administration usually classifies them with the indigenes, and not as a separate community requiring special consideration and help.

For the most part they are the descendants of unions between Europeans and indigenous New Guineans. Some are the children of unions between Asians and New Guineans.

In most cases, they are people of a good type—generally higher in intelligence and spirit than the average native. Given their proper place in society, and the benefits of education, they could be rated among the Territory’s most valuable citizens. , In countries like Fiji and Samoa —in fact, in all the Polynesian countries—there is a large and proud community of Euronesians, and, in most cases, these people take equal rank with Europeans, socially and industrially, to the marked benefit of the countries they live in.

The New Guinea indigenes, for which Port Moresby and Canberra

profess so much concern, already have social security and a planned future. But the bureaucrats have nothing for the Euronesians, who are more worthy of bureaucratic at tention. Officialdom would even deny to these people the name (Euronesian) they chose, as part of their organised attempt to get from Canberra the same citizenship privileges as were given the Chinese.

Is there no one who will fight for the Euronesians of Papua and New Guinea? ☆ ☆ ☆

So London Repudiates

The Shameful 'Colonial 7

AN important change in the constitution and character of the British Colonial Office has followed the return to office of the British Conservative Government with a largely increased majority.

The Colonial Office, which directly governs the British Colony of Fiji, and (through the High Commission for the Western Pacific) the Protectorate of the Solomon Islands, the Colony of the Gilbert & Ellice Islands and the British side of the Condominium of the New Hebrides, is being immediately reconstituted and merged with the British Common wealth Relations Office; and the

combined departments will func tion in future as the British Ministry of Commonwealth Affairs.

In the century before World War I, British pioneers, traders and missionaries planted the British flag in practically every part of the world: the greatest colonising impulse in the history of mankind came to fruition; and, when the proud and glorious British Empire was challenged by an equally proud Imperial Germany in 1914, the Union Jack actually was flying over more than a quarter of the land surface of the globe.

World War I confirmed Britain’s hold over innumerable Territories.

Then came two profound and far reaching changes. The most impor tant British Colonies, comprising Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa with Britain’s cordial blessing assumed a national life of their own and be came what H. G. Wells described as “crowned republics”, within the British Empire.

At the same time, in other vast areas where population was not predominantly white —notably, in Asia and Africa —other British Territories which owed allegiance to the British Crown began to move slowly and definitely towards in dependent nationhood. Sometimes the process was a little painful; but generally it was approved, assisted and encouraged by Great Britain.

After World War I the British Colonial Office could not provide the machinery of liaison between

the British Crown and the and rapidly-growing Domim was a new kind of relat; So the duties of overseas ; ment were divided between j Department of Commonweal lations, and the British 0 Office.

Since then, as the great Dominions have assumed complete independence uno British Crown, the duties Commonwealth Relations I ment have shrunken to little than formalities; while the 1 and responsibilities of the Colonial Office have grown s come more complex, as the ; British Colonies of Asia, Afn elsewhere have sprung toe and ultra-sensitive nationho Under the hammering of ] visionaries and babbling i the words “Colony” and "C: ism” have become ter:-: opprobrium, instead of inu

an accomplishment worthy «

and emulation —as they did J years.

And so the term “Colonial!, is being wiped out, and t!d “Commonwealth Affairs”, i:i substituted.

To people who know the i of British Colonialism, the in name seems exceeding!! but it is quite in line with thinking. The next move, 1 ably, will be to find a nev for Fiji, and Gilbert & EIII similar places—they mui longer accept to the sl< appellation of “Colony”.