Commentary

N Gives "Go

Ahead" to W. Samoa

In contrast to the UN Visiting Mission’s report on New Guinea, which caused some heartburning High places in that Territory the report of the Mission that ?ted Western Samoa is as mild the Biblical asses’ milk. (See page 29).

For this reason, it cannot be led so much a blue print for lure West Samoan self-govern ment, as a grandmotherly pat on the head for a favourite grandchild, led down to a sentence, it con es the Samoans’ right to choose en and how they shall have self government; nonetheless, the rest of report that pads this basic fact to 78 pages has plenty of built warnings to the Samoans, who soon be running things, of the difficulties in which they could find themselves.

The UN Trusteeship Council ate which followed the release the report was as mild as the )rt itself. Even the Russian gate was hard put to it to find ammunition for his accustomed idsides, and contented himself by demanding “unqualified inmdence”, and the charge that New Zealand was trying to force a treaty of friendship on an unwilling Samoa.

NZ has made it abundantly clear recent years that she would be content to be done with Samoa; it seems that she will be stuck the Territory to some extent ncially, even when it has got its alled independence. an indication that the Visiting ion did not learn all the problems report dismissed public health few lines; nor was this dised in the debate, although fates (and the report) talked at length about educational policy, e most pressing public health problem in W. Samoa at present is the inability of the department to ct qualified European medical Within a short time, European medical practitioners will be re duced to two —with no resident ;on specialist—to care for the health needs of 102,000 people. The burden of the work will then fall on the 40 Samoan AMP graduates of Suva Medical School who have

the specialised knowledge and

experience of qualified European rs and specialists, d a European resident of long ing, recently: “It is practically impossible to engage medical men the niggardly remuneration

offered by W. Samoa when they are offered much more in neighbouring territories. The UN Mission and the delegates at the Council ignored this but talked endlessly of the £400,000 worth of grants-in-aid that should be forthcoming from NZ for higher-education, even after self government is established."

No one is opposed to giving Samoan children adequate educa tion although academic distinction in itself, in a Territory of only limited opportunities for this sort of thing, is useless. As the re port itself points out, the stress for years to come must be on agri cultural development if the country is to pay for the kind of life to which it has become accustomed.

There is no reason why self government should not succeed in Samoa, as it has in Tonga—except that the Tongans have always cut their suit according to the cloth.

Western Samoa, on the other hand, seems much more disposed towards designing a lavish suit and then ex pecting someone else preferably New Zealand whom they occasion ally affect to despise—to furnish the material. ☆ ☆ ☆

Spook in the

Copra Cupboard

A NEW word has entered the vocabulary of the copra in dustry in recent years par ticularly since the end of the MOF copra contract in 1957. It’s "Interchangeability" and it means that if copra can’t be produced at a reasonable price, something cheaper like soya-bean or ground nut oil will have to be substituted.

This bogey has been dusted off and brought out to frighten copra producers almost monthly in the last year since copra prices have been high—to such an extent that when, or if, it does happen that alternative oils take a slice out of copra’s traditional market, pro ducers will be likely, at first, to discount the wolf that has been crying “interchangeability” so long.

Although a switch to cheaper alternatives is an ever-present threat to copra, it is difficult against the background of the last 12 months to dismiss entirely the idea that “interchangeability" is not also part of consumers’ bargaining technique. There has been proof during the months of copra scarcity that, however much cheaper substitutes might cut into the field in some departments, in others there is no substitute for coconut oil.

But whether copra and coconut

oil have a claim on the edible-oils market to the extent indicated by the unrealistic price levels reached during the last eight months, is an entirely different proposition—and producer and consumer alike were, no doubt, relieved when in June price of copra showed a down ward trend.

Whether this is a temporary halt is too soon to say, but it would be a good thing all round if copra now stabilised at a reasonable price level.

Just what level could be regarded as reasonable is the $64 question —but it would have to be well below the freak prices realised early this year.

High prices rebounded in the Pacific a few months ago when the copra crushing mill at Rabaul closed temporarily because its owners could not see the future market trends of coconut oil sufficiently clearly. As it happened, this made no difference to P-NG copra pro ducers, because the Copra Market ing Board was able to clear all copra elsewhere. But had the mill closure been in Suva instead of Rabaul, Fiji planters, who sell almost entirely to the Suva mill, would have been in real trouble. ☆ ☆ ☆

Unity of Commercial

Interests in Fiji

IN Fiji there are now four impor tant groups of traders—Euro peans, part-Europeans, Indians and Chinese. The Fijians trade through co-operative societies, but rarely as individuals.

There is a tendency for the traders to group themselves racially. There is a European and an Indian Chamber of Commerce, and the Chinese are now moving to form a Chamber.

The president of the Suva Cham ber of Commerce, Mr. M. H. Helsen, has entered a strong plea for unity of thought and action, among Fiji’s Chambers of Commerce. He has pointed to the growing importance of Fiji’s trade, both internal and external, and the ways in which a United Fiji Chamber could help the Government in difficult days ahead.

Mr. Helsen could have added that the things which divide the Cham bers in their expressed objects are as nothing compared with the con siderations which unite them.

Some people profess to see in superable obstacles to national unity in the growing numerical strength of three or four racial communities in Fiji. There really are no obstacles there —it is mainly a matter of intelligence and tolerance on the part of the com munity leaders.

Hawaii has more races, in some ways more sharply divided, than has Fiji. Yet Hawaii has gone

ahead and prospered as a united community—an example to all the Pacific Islands Territories and Hawaii now has become the Fiftieth State of the United States.

What Hawaii has done in the North Pacific, Fiji can do in the South always provided that the communities can approach their common problems without bigotry and intolerance.

This Chamber of Commerce proposition provides a good case in point.

Let there be, if desirable, a separate Chamber of Commerce for every community and every trading centre; but a united all-Fiji Cham ber of Commerce, in which all the smaller Chambers shall have repre sentation, should be an essential part of the structure. The smaller Chambers would deal with local needs; while the all-Fiji Chamber would speak for the Colony’s traders as a whole, and co-operate with Government in every possible way.

Trading and primary production are closely linked. An organisa tion of planters, affiliated with the Fiji Chamber of Commerce, would be a good and helpful thing. ☆ ☆ ☆

The Axe of Asia for

Fiji's R. A. Hewlett

ONE of Fiji’s brightest young men, Mr. Bob Hewlett, was appointed Director of Tourism in Singapore last year. He threw himself into the job with typical Hewlett enthusiasm. His work pleased all observers —some of the publicity he arranged was most effective.

Last month, Bob Hewlett was sacked —just like that! —and given three months’ salary in lieu of notice. . . .

This month, Indonesia’s Jap trained rabble-rouser, Dr.

Soekarno, has thrown aside the last vestiges of the so-called Parlia mentary system introduced into that be-devilled “republic” after World War II, and has established himself as an Army-controlled dictator.

The two most powerful bodies in the former Netherlands Indies now are the tight-knit Chinese com munity of about 3,000,000, and the ever-growing Communist Party of Indonesia which will be in Soekarno’s Cabinet, whether he likes it or not.

Those factors, plus the economic deterioration of the “republic” since the Dutch were ousted, contribute more and more towards the creation of the Indonesian cause way, along which Asia’s hordes eventually will pass to the South Pacific Islands, Australia and NZ.

There is growing restlessness in the Philippines—our near neigh bours in the northwest; and grow

ing uncertainty about the future of Dutch New Guinea, with which we share occupation of the world’s largest island. . . .

Bob Hewlett, Dr. Soekarno, Dutch New Guinea, Philippines—how are all these connected?

They are part of the same over all picture—namely, the growing thrust of Asia against the Euro peans, and against the clean and freedom-loving nations which Europeans have established in the South Pacific.

The British built the great entrepot of Singapore out of a swamp; and then, without a fight, abandoned it to the Asians who had subsequently established them selves there. A Chinese near-Red premier has taken charge—and promptly has thrown out all the European employees he could reach, including Mr. Hewlett. The Chinese politicians will eject British business-men eventually from Singapore, just as Soekarno’s Indonesian rabble has driven the Dutch out of the Netherlands Indies.

Since 1945, we have seen it happen in Burma, India, Ceylon, Indonesia, Singapore, Indo-China.

Why do we imagine that this flood will stay west of New Guinea and north of the Equator? ☆ ☆ ☆

What Mr. Hasluck

Is Doing to P-NG

THE very intransigent Minister Hasluck must be held responsible for the danger now threatening Papua and New Guinea. It is de veloping as a result of the Minister’s stubborn refusal to meet the unanimous wish of non-official P-NG residents that the Tax bill be postponed for one year.

This is written as the Territory’s Legislative Council assembles, once more, to pass the Taxation bills.

The Supreme Court has said that the Council has the power to do this; and the Administration has indicated that the tax will be levied as from July 1, 1959.

Sooner or later after the bill becomes law—probably sooner—the validity of the Taxation Act will be challenged; and, when that happens, the matter will go at least to the High Court, in the shape of an attack upon the Papua and New Guinea Act, under which the Terri tory of Papua and New Guinea is constituted and governed.

High legal authorities always have had doubts about the P-NG Act; and it has been repeatedly attacked in the United Nations.

Most of its authority is derived from the Trusteeship Agreement between United Nations and Aus tralia; but the critics hold that there is nothing there to permit, between Papua and New Guinea, a

union which includes a law-making instrument of the nature of the present Legislative Council.

Mr. Hasluck has known this. It is known also to other Australian Ministers, and to certain high Australian officials.

Why, then, did Mr. Hasluck press on with his badly-drafted and untimely Tax bill, and stir up a constitutional challenge under the worst possible conditions, when a little courtesy and patience with the Taxpayers’ Associations would almost certainly have brought compromise and the temporary removal of a very real danger? Echo answers, why!

That P-NG Act should have] expert attention —but in a calm atmosphere, clear of bad feeling.

Now —assuming that Tax bill passes, in its present form— disaster could be just around the corner. Because, even if an attack on the validity of the P-NG Act should fail, issues will be raised which inevitably will stir up trouble for Australia at all points where the international organisations we support meet the emissaries of the Communist block, and of Asian and African anti-European countries.

This grave error in judgment and in tactics could —and should —write Finis to Mr. Hasluck’s career as Australian Minister for Territories.

In some ways, he is the ablest man who has held that portfolio in 50 years; but a series of incidents since about 1952 suggests that, in outlook and in temperament, he is unfitted for the post.

For example, it is well known that he has insisted on being Administrator as well as Minister so that the official Administrator never has been given a chance to administer, and a kind of demoralisation has spread slowly through the District and Depart mental heads.

In introducing the bill suddenly and without notice; in ignoring all pleas and arguments for de lay and review; in inducing the Australian Cabinet to push off ruthlessly with the measure—in these things, Mr. Hasluck has suggested that he regards Terri torians as an unintelligent, selfish mob, screaming against income taxation generally. . . . Well, he is due to learn something more about the character and backbone of Territorians.

Mrs. Rachel Cleland, wife of the Administrator of P-NG, Brigadier D. M. Cleland, and well-known for her personal in terest in many Territory volun tary organisations, became a Member of the Order of the British Empire in June. The citation said that the re cent development of Guiding in the Territory was largely due to her work as president of the P-NG Girl Guides’ Association.