[?]ditorial. ..

Nificant Change In Britain's

Attitude Towards Southeast Asia

IRE has been a remarkable aange in the attitude of ritain towards the problem of ding the European countries * South Pacific —mainly British inst the pending overflow of ition from Asia.

'be, the new viewpoint has in contemplation for some But it became suddenly mani /hen, very recently, Ceylon— to regarded as staunchly i voted overwhelmingly in of an anti-British Govern lin a few days the British fiven their marching orders— yere told that they were fin ely to get out of Trincomalee, Jritish naval base on the ast coast of Ceylon, which anly second to Singapore In :ic importance. ras sheer bad luck for Mr.

Marshall, the loquacious First 3r of Singapore that he was way to London, to demand ore independence, when the election results were an d. The British Government ly found itself preoccupied jmething much more imnort in the tender feelings of the r-less Red Chinese popula- Singapore. may presume that, against :kground of the Ceylon volte esponsible British statesmen ng last—took a look at the rhey remembered, belatedly, tie most completely British the British Commonwealth, le Old Country’s most im overseas market, lies in the Pacific, in Australia, New I, and the ten large British ies among the South Pacific (Canada is now deeply Jnited States influence, and Africa with Afrikaaners in idle, is being driven away the Empire). then, it is safely assumed, e in London, with some anlike vision, said some ke this: since the Suez Canal we have maintained a vital communication with the Pacific—through the Med an, through Suez and the a, and through the Indian :o Fremantle, Sydney, New and the Islands. We pro hat line by bases at Malta, Suez, Aden, Trincomalee, re and Australia, see what has happened. We owed ourselves, since World

War II (where we were among the victors!) to be driven out of Suez and Trincomalee, and we are being openly and insolently challenged in Cyprus, Aden and Singapore—with signs of hauling down the flag in Singapore, also.

“Are we sick, or mad, or what?

Or are we now prepared to abandon the whole of the South Pacific countries to United States pro tection?”

THE Pacific Islands Monthly has been deeply interested in this strange situation. Ever since the end of World War II and the development of the Moscow-in spired movement in Asia and Africa in favour of nationalism and against “colonialism,” and the surrender of China to Muscovite Communism, and the abandonment of the East Indies to the unpredictable and quite untrustworthy Indonesians, the PIM has pointed constantly to

the growing threat to the security of the European countries in the South Pacific.

The strange breed of post-war idealists has insisted that we are in no danger from Asia. “We can have confidence in our Asian brothers,” they cry. “Give them our trust, and our Colombo Plan, and plenty of American money, and teach them to love us, and they will never harm us.”

All people with any knowledge of human nature, based on history and on racialism, must reject that argument with contempt.

Anyone who studies the avail able accounts of the clashes be tween Europeans and Asians—the Boxer Rebellion, for example, and the Indian Mutiny, and the crimes committed by the Japanese against their helpless prisoners—knows in his heart that if ever the Asians gain power in the South Pacific area they will seize every South Pacific country, and eventually ex terminate the European commun ities.

A year ago, the publisher of the Pacific Islands Monthly visited Indonesia, Singapore and Malaya, and had a quick look at Ceylon. He was so disturbed by what he saw and sensed in those countries that —although he was on holiday—he took an opportunity of describing

But, Uncle Sam, I fully expected you to join MY table!” (After a long period of fliting with the United States-and especially after President Soekarno had been so lavishly feted in the chief American cities-the Indonesians were badly shocked by the intimation thay USA had no intertion of supporting Idonesias's claim to Western New Guines.)

to certain leading men in England (and especially a section of the Conservative members of the House of Commons) the danger to the

News appears on pages 12 and 13 this issue.

British countries of the South Pacific which he had seen develop ing, and of urging both public men and newspapers to take a more realistic view of the situation in Singapore and Malaya. His opinions were either treated very lightly, or openly jeered at. , But, now, what a change!

Cyprus and Aden and Singapore have been told, formally and officially, by the British Govern ment, that Britain will in no cir cumstances withdraw from those countries —her naval and air bases there are vital to the protection of (a) her line of communication with the British countries in the South Pacific and (b) her huge oil-wells and pipe-lines in the Middle East.

ANYONE can see that the par ticular incident which has awakened the dreaming British, and stiffened them at last into a clear-cut declaration of defence policy, is the retreat of Ceylon from the front line of British Common wealth partners.

India and Burma left us yester day; Ceylon is gone to-day ; Pakistan will go to-morrow. That is Asia inscrutable, unpredictable, but (so far as Europe is concerned) always dangerous.

How embarrassing the loss oi Trincomalee is, can be seen in the sudden discussion of a plan to -tufn Cockburn Sound, in West Australia, into a base for the British Navy.

MEANWHILE, Mr. Marshall has returned from London to Singapore, to make a public exhibition of sulkiness, and an an nouncement that he will retire altogether from public life very shortly.

Malaya, for the moment, is quiescent: but President Soekarno, of Indonesia, has been touring United States, enjoying the adula tion of the irresponsible and sensa tion-seeking American press, and talking the usual high-falutin’ non sense about Indonesia’s great destiny, the evils of colonialism, and his unconquerable determination to get possession of Western New Guinea (although he was told in mid-May that United States would not support his claim).

The situation in Southeast Asia is explosive and dangerous. If Britain carries out her undertaking to hold on in Singapore—and she now can do nothing else the British authority very soon will be openly challenged by the Singapore Chinese.

The latter are mostly descendants of the Chinese camp-followers who followed the British into the island when Raffles purchased the un

savoury swamps from the local Rajah, and spent millions in the establishment there of a great port and exchange mart. They have no more claim to Singapore than the Indonesians have to West New Guinea.

There will be similar trouble in Indonesia, into which the Chinese are infiltrating in a steady stream, to take the places of the dis possessed and banished Dutch.

The Chinese are on the march now. They soon will be followed by the rehabilitated Japanese—who never will rest until they have wiped out the humiliation they suf fered in Tokio Bay on August 15, 1945.

OUR danger comes not from the Indians, or the Indonesians, or the Malayans, who represent no military menace, but from the Mongoloid peoples who—as Japan demonstrated in 1941-45 —can wage modern war in such a way as to challenge the Europeans.

That is why this sudden stiffen ing of the British attitude towards Asian nationalism is so important and, up to a point, so comforting.

It may mean that, after all, we of the South Pacific are not to be abandoned by our kinsfolk in Europe, and left—although only be cause we represent the southern flank of America’s defence —to look to America for defence against Asia.

DESPITE the strange posturings of Messrs. Bulganin and Kruschev, there is in the world no reassuring sign of the coming of that peace and security for which all humanity yearns.

The Cold War goes on.

There have been changes in pro cedures and tactics; but the primary purpose of world Communism — and especially of the Muscovite gangsters who have their strangle hold on Russia remains un changed. By subversive activity through Socialist and Leftist organ isations they are weakening the ■Westerners’ economic structure; by ceaseless organisation they are building up anti-European nationalism in Asia and Africa; and by very cunning propaganda they are trying to induce the Westerners to reduce their armaments and for get their defensive plans.

THE only Powers remaining which have not partly or wholly succumbed to Muscovite propa ganda and their own aching d;sire for peace are United States, British Commonwealth and Germany—and the Muscovites now are working very hard on Britain and Germany.

If the three Nordic Powers only will stand together and defy Russia, and resist all further en croachments on their security which may be made in the name of nationalism, the Western world may survive.

But if they do not stand togetfl and if Britain makes any furtl retreats from her hardly-won bai of defence, then the Western wo is doomed, and we of the So] Pacific will definitely face a thn of extinction under hordes of within the next half century. 1 That is why the formal announ ment on May 21 by Mr. Seh Lloyd, British Secretary of St for Foreign Affairs, has so mi significance. Here are its ex words: Britain must retain certain pi tions of strength at any cost. Th include Cyprus, Singapore and Ac Britain depends on her overs trade and connections. With j flung lines of communication, il essential that we retain cert positions of strength, at whate cost. It would be a breach of fc with the rising generation for ui cast away those oversea possessi which are vital to our strategic l terests.