The news magazine of the South Pacific · since 1930

Pacific Islands Monthly, 1 August 1954Vol. XXV, No. 1

Northwest Horizon

pp. 15-16 · Read in the full issue

The Reddish-Yellow Blaze On Our Northwest Horizon

FRANCE’S decision to surrender to the Communists the Tonkin area of Indo-China (the world’s richest rice-growing area) [has startled a few people in the South Pacific. One wonders why.

It is a logical step in the chain of events which began in 1946 when Russia refused to disarm, and built the Iron Curtain across Europe. A challenge to the power of the United States in the Pacific clearly is part of the Muscovite conspiracy for the Communist enslavement of the world. t One must acknowledge the dia bolical cleverness of the Moscow gang, and its extraordinary success, up to date. The Western Powers disarmed in 1946-7; then, finding the Reds not following suit, they began to re-arm in a politico economic somersault which since has gravely strained their already war-torn economy; this, in turn, has created endless social unrest — unrest which might be dealt with by a Red dictatorship, but which ■cannot be controlled under the de mocratic system; and all this has been calculated and foreseen by the Reds, as part of their plan to in creasingly weaken the Western bloc by creating internal discontent.

The Westerners’ plan to enforce International security and peace through the UNO has been delib erately sabotaged by Russia, through the veto system. Thou sands of trained agents have been

sent into Asia and Africa to stir up nationalist unrest and embarrass the Western nations represented there. And —most significant and dangerous move of all —China’s 400 millions have been harnessed to the Red bloc, as a conveniently ex pendable force to be used as the spearhead of the attack upon the Westerners, and especially upon United States.

All this has been done in less than nine years. The pattern is so clear. The logic of events so completely beyond challenge!.

Strongly opposed in Korea, the Reds agreed to an armistice; and then maintained the armistice, re fusing any peace settlement, so that we are compelled to keep expensive armies in Korea —while they smashed the French in Indo-China.

And, now, the surrender of Nor thern Vietnam to the Reds —a first class Communist victory.

SOME argue that, as UNO came to the support of the South Koreans against the Reds in Korea, UNO should have supported France against the Reds in Indo- China. But the background is dif ferent.

The Western nations refrain from voicing their opinion openly and officially; but the belief is generally held that France now, as a Western Power and as a Colonial Power, is sick and undependable. She is so shot through with Communism

at home, and under such Insistent and growing challenge in her im portant colonies, that she is an em barrassment rather than a source of strength to her associates in this gravest of all international crises.

If the Anglo-Americans were to assist France in Indo-China (which, incidentally, could mean the re-establishment there of French authority) they would expect a quid pro quo in strong and loyal support by France of the European Defence Community. As there is no pros pect of that —on the contrary, the Anglo-Americans, as they lose faith in France, are putting more and more trust in a renascent Ger many—the Anglo-Americans refuse to commit themselves in Indo- China. They have conceded the Reds the victory in Vietnam, so that they may keep more freedom in their hands for dealing with the larger problems of Red expan sion elsewhere.

SEEN against the vast and sombre background of the Cold War, the surrender of Northern Vietnam may appear a small in cident. But it is not difficult to en visage the problem which confronts Britain and America. With Franc'. 1 classed with the Latin nations as undependable, Britain and America now face the solid phalanx of Reds (Russia, all the Eastern European countries, and China) with only the Northwest European nations as sure Allies. Time must be gained while Germany and Japan (anti-Com munist by character and tradition) are re-established as World Powers.

A strange twist in world affairs, of 'course; but evidently the argument

is that German or Japanese arro gance is to be preferred to soul destroying slavery under the Musco vite Reds. Those who experienced Hun beastliness and Jap brutality in the last 15 years may not accept the argument: but that does seem now to be the keystone of Western planning.

Britain and United States are not in complete agreement. United States, completely realist, knowing that armed conflict is inevitable, and believing that we have an ad vantage in atomic weapons, is pre pared now to go to war, so as to smash the Red Muscovite con spiracy and establish world peace under UNO, before UNO collapses completely.

Britain, in terror of what guided missiles from Central Europe may do to her, and believing that the Red bloc sooner or later will be de stroyed by internal revolt, tries to play for time.

But Britain and USA are com pletely united in the belief that the Muscovite cannot be placated and that, if we are to remain free, we must go increasingly armed.

NOT one man in one hundred in the South Pacific countries understands anything of these issues. Most have been very im patient with occasional commenta tors who have tried to warn them of the growing danger in Asia.

But the spectacular surrender of Vietnam has startled them. Sud denly, they realise that not only are hundreds of millions of Asian Communists glaring hungrily at them from Southeast Asia; they also become uncomfortably aware that, in spite of laws and contracts, there now are important implanta tions of Asians in the South Pacific countries of New Guinea, New He brides, Fiji and French Oceania, and that these Asians almost surely will react to calls on their racial and nationalist pride.

“Asian Communists, armed by Russia, have forced a surrender upon France and are only a few fly ing hours away from us,” cry the Australians, and New Zealanders and Pacific Islanders, turning aside from their horse-racing and petty politics. “What are we going to do about it?”

There is nothing they can do about it. They are beset by dangers created nine years ago, when the Attlees, and Trumans and Evatts, and other pitifully inadequate per sons, took charge of the war-torn world, and permitted the Muscovite gang to establish the Iron Curtain and gets its international Red con spiracy into shape. The South Pacific’s hope of survival and liberty lies primarily in the ability of the United States to defend freedom in the Pacific, and ultimately in the strength which the British Com monwealth and United States may develop together, to check and de stroy this Mongolian-based horror.

“Starry-eyed planners” arise in hordes, to embarrass us with their assurances that some way will be found to avoid the conflict—their panaceas ranging from compromise with the Reds (“co-existence,” it is called!) to a religious fervour which is to sweep across the world.

Our only hope of avoiding armed conflict between two utterly irrecon cilable ideologies (Individualism and Communism) is that the scores of millions of freedom-loving people

enslaved by the comparative f( dominated by the Muscovite gaj will rebel, and attack their maste; There are some signs of it—t nothing yet to give us hope.

There is nothing that we of t; South Pacific can do about it, e cept to assist the Anglo-Americ;: Powers in the wearisome, sickeni: process of once more re-arming; a: to watch this ever-growing reddis; yellow blaze on our nor.hweste: horizon.