Danger In Too Rapid Native

Advancement

[EN who knew the Pacific Islands well 20 or 30 years ago do not like what they see in ; Pacific Islands to-day. The tive Islanders, encouraged by a ange new tribe of white sociolog s, are demanding—increasingly d definitely—recognition as in pendent nations, without regard ■ the fact that, in most cases, they 5 not yet fitted for self-govern ait in a world dominated by the actices and culture of Europe. \t the moment of this writing, a ief Judge, in New Guinea, is aling with charges of assault, sing out of what we have called le Raluana scuffle” —a political sident wherein high officials of s Administration were attacked a certain class of New Britain tives. Evidence indicates that ne of the latter resented being led “coons” and “bigheads” by 5 writer of a letter to the Pacific ands Monthly. Yet, 20 years ago, ropeans in New Guinea referred native labourers as “coons,” and ?ressive and insolent natives were nost always called “bigheads,” d treated accordingly * It is a lasure of the changes which fol ded World War II that Melanesian Imitives now are encouraged by tni-official sociologists to resent d resist any suggestion of white periority and white domination.

“Coon," while disrespectful, is not enslve. It is in the same category as )ve” or “coot,” as used on the Sydney terfront.

Little wonder that the “old hands” —men of the type that tamed and civilised these Islands in the past 150 years—find it difficult to get accus tomed to this strange new world!

This unexpected sociological tide is flowing strongly now; it is im possible to stem it, although it may yet be controlled. The flood-gates would have been opened, sooner or later, because these Pacific Islanders have been growing up quite definitely in the past few* decades; but it ought to be done gradually and skilfully. 111-balanced po s t-w a r theorists, rushing in prematurely to do the opening, have caused much embarrassment to some Govern ments. especially those concerned with Melanesian administrations, who are obliged to make haste slowly.

From west to east, in the Pacific Islands, there are fourteen Terri tories—namely, Papua-New Guinea, Solomons, Nauru, New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Fiji, Micronesia (Caroline, Marshall and Mariana archipelagoes), Gilbert and Ellice, Western Samoa, Eastern Samoa, Tonga, Cook Islands, French Oceania—and in nearly all of them there is a problem, at some stage of development, created by the eagerness of the indigenous or the implanted Asiatic communities, to oust the Europeans and take charge of the local administration. The ex ceptions are Fiji, where there is an excellent relationship between British and natives, offset by the Indians’ tendency to seek a larger share in government; Micronesia,

where the comparatively small native population still is grateful for its recent release from the Japanese: Tonga, which has enjoyed virtual independence for 50 years; Gilbert and Ellice, a small community which has a large measure of local self-government; and the New Hebrides, where a small and dispirited Melanesian community has not been heard from, THE U million people in Papua- New Guinea are so primitive, and split by language differences into so many separate communities, that any nationalist movement hitherto has seemed impossible. The Raluana incident, however, indicates that if these communities are encouraged by careless soldiery, or well-meaning but impractical soci ologists, or deliberately plotting Reds, they can display hostility and even resistance towards the white man’s government. It is very easy for the semi-educated “bigheads”, spoiled by official or missionary pampering, to imagine that they are competent to throw off the Euro pean yoke and undertake self government.

As human beings, the New Guinea natives, of course, are entitled to individual freedom and the best things of life; but they may not claim these things completely until they are capable of governing them selves and of maintaining proper relations with their neighbours in this close-knit modern world. The case of Indonesia has shown that even people with some considerable history of culture can be a tragedy to themselves, and a dangerous embarrassment to their neighbours, if permitted suddenly, and without

preparation, to drink without re straint of the heady wine of freedom. A , Only a little while ago the coastal folk of N. Guinea, some now maybe sophisticated and inclined to be in solent, were complete primitives; and two-thirds of the li millions there are still in that classification. Maybe, in two or three generations, they can be brought to a stage where they can be permitted some con siderable degree of self-government.

But, before it is possible even to plan anything of the sort, the Aus tralian-New Guinea Administration must solve the problem of language.

That job necessarily will begin in the village school. To-day, there are very few village schools; an even smaller supply of competent teachers; and no official agreement as yet as to what medium will be adopted for the instruction of the hundreds of thousands of primitive children who now speak an ex traordinary multiplicity of languages.

What applies to New Guinea applies generally in the Solomons, where the people and the condi tions are similar. The Solomon Islanders have not been subjected, like the NG natives, to the well intentioned meddling of professional and amateur sociologists; but, dur ing the war, they did encounter the disruptive influences of half a million white soldiers; and this pro duced the troublesome anti-Euro pean Masinga Rule movement.

Mischief-makers have been at work for a long time among the natives of New Caledonia and the Loyalties (French). In these islands there is a numerous class whose status is about half way between the Europeans and the natives, and these people, generally Leftist, have somewhat influenced the Melanesian community against the French. The nationalist move ment there now is strong; the pre sent General Council, which is sup posed to assist the Governor materially in administration, is completely dominated by Leftists, and the political future is obscure.

Farther east, the outlook improves as we advance into Polynesia. Apart L'om ethnological considerations, an important point is that the Poly nesians have been much longer in contact with Europeans; and most of the Polynesian groups are one language countries, where the people are largely and increasingly literate, especially in English. Fiji (nomin ally Melanesian, but carrying such a heavy mixture of Polynesian blood that it may rank as part of Poly nesia) is tranquil, apart from the Indian problem; while the two Samoas, Gilbert and Ellice, Cook Islands and Tonga are all reaching out firmly for the increasing measure of self-government which js being accorded by the British, there is a strong national conscious ness m these groups, especially in Western Samoa, but no bad feeling

at all between the governors and the governed.

In the other French Territory, French Oceania (Polynesian), there is a certain political tenseness, which seems to be growing. As in New Caledonia, a party that is sharply pro-native and definitely Leftist has gained control of the General Council. It is nationalistic, but the unfriendliness of its at titude is directed as much against the Chinese (now dominant in trade and commerce there) as against the French. The position is obscure; but a “Tahiti for the Tahitians” sentiment does seem to be prevalent.

THERE is nothing alarming in the overall political picture of the South Pacific Islands; but there is no doubt at all that the increas ing restlessness of subject peoples throughout Africa and Asia is find ing a mild echo in Polynesia and Melanesia. This may be accepted in Polynesia as a natural and proper development; but premature attempts to create a nationalist consciousness in Melanesia are to be deplored.

The Melanesians will not reach the Polynesian stage of develop ment for a long time; and the responsible Europeans in charge (the British in Eastern New Guinea and Solomons, the French in New Caledonia, and the Dutch in Western New Guinea) should be left alone to carry out their duties during this period of transition, without interference from the extraordinary crop of sociological nuisances and banner-waving cranks produced by World War 11.