Another Elizabethan Age’—

Perhaps!

pT has been a month of great events. 1- A young woman of outstanding haracter and charm has been rowned Queen of the British Com lonwealth, with amazing pageantry opied from centuries-old ritual. The ime people who so gallantly fought ff disaster in the London Blitz stood 11 day in the cold and rain, to cheer ler Majesty.

While British Commonwealth saders were dealing with world roblems, and strengthening Anglo merican friendship, Russia was tak ig steps to end the Cold War.

A New Zealander in a British Party n Mount Everest became the first lan to scale the world’s highest sak.

Other examples of individual merit id achievement crowded the news apers. Yet, because human affairs 3w are mostly in the hands of jppets controlled by uninstructed lasses, the overall picture is one - uncertainty and fear, faintly aged with hope.

Let us look around us, here in e South Pacific. i TENDENCY in South Pacific L trade and commerce, interest ing but disconcerting, was made ear by the chairman (Mr. James

Burns) at the annual general meet ing of the shareholders in the main Burns Philp Company, in Sydney in May.

Mr. Burns pointed out that, although the Co.’s net rate of earn ing was substantially maintained, most of the profit came from the Co.’s merchandising business, and from its chains of country stores, which continued to prosper and expand. But the earnings from the Co.’s shipping lines, even at in creased freights, did not provide enough profit to allow the Co. to build the new ships needed to re place wear and tear on the old ships—especially after the Co. had been obliged to pay the tax collector 12/- out of every 20/- profit earned.

To build new ships, the Co. has to go for funds to other profit-earning departments.

As it was originally, Burns Philp made substantial profits out of its Islands shipping lines and its stores; and thus big revenues from the Islands flowed in through 7 Bridge Street, Sydney, for the gen eral enrichment of a lightly-taxed Australia. Then came the era of Socialist administration, followed by the 40-hours’ week, and the terrific costs imposed by undisciplined and lazy labour in the ports; all to be followed, inevitably, by crippling taxation. . But by the time the full blast of it hit the Islands services, the Co.,

whether by accident or design (if it was designed it showed truly re markable foresight) had gradually transferred its major interests from Islands trading and shipping to mainland merchandising; and with this control over distribution it can meet every new Socialistic impost by simply raising rates against the public. Which is perfectly just, see ing that the public has tolerated for so long the economic lunacies which to-day masquerade in the shape of government.

Meanwhile, the Islands services are dwindling, and will continue to dwindle. Even as Chairman James Burns was speaking, the Islands motor-ship Malaita was lying at a New Guinea wharf, counting the idle and costly hours, while help lessly awaiting the native wharf labourers whom High Authority had promised would be available, but who had decided, for some obscure village reason, to have a holiday.

WHETHER in the Islands, or Australia, or Timbuctoo, the economic situation necessarily is dominated by the same simple economic factor—namely, the will ingness or unwillingness of the in dividual to work. The Australian creed—which is to scrounge every possible shilling out of the State, and avoid labour—has reached some of the Islands and is killing private enterprise, as seen in declining ser vices, reluctance to plant up coconut areas, and so forth.

There has been a significant change in the operations of the three big concerns which were the

leaders in Islands trade and ship ping in the ’Thirties—Burns Philp, W R. Carpenters and Morris Hedstrom. Carpenters have largely changed the character of their operations, and transferred their interests to manufacturing and overseas shipping. Burns Philp also have shifted their more valuable eggs to another kind of basket.

Morris Hedstrom, being free of direct Australian controls, have not changed much in character; but even they have not expanded under those post-war conditions, and a large proportion of their capital is idle, or limited only to gilt-edged investments.

SOME people may challenge the logic of all this, and point to the apparent enormous pros perity of Australia to-day—abund ance of money in circulation, no unemployment, the leisure enjoyed by the working masses. It is a pie crust prosperity—and the pie-crust Is provided by the extraordinary prices being paid for all pastoral products. The falseness of the economic set-up is seen in the in creasing difficulty of Australian manufacturers in holding their overseas markets: their unit of labour cost, as the result of the 40hours week, and organised laziness, is too high, and is increasing.

While there is nothing in sight, at the moment, to indicate that the world will be unable to pay those high prices for wool, meat, etc., the position is developing against Aus tralia, because Australian internal prices obeying the inescapable laws of economics—are moving steadily upwards. If anything should happen to upset world prices for wool and wheat, the collapse of the Australian pie-crust will be — well, spectacular.

Meanwhile, three cheers for pro fessional politics, and on with the dance!

Papua-New Guinea, Like Aus

tralia, is similarly enjoying a boom based on a pie-crust economy.

But that pie-crust is formed, not out of high prices of primary pro duce in a free market, but from fantastic Governmental spending of millions provided by Australia; from the British Ministry of Food’s copra contract; and from the over seas companies’ gamble on finding oil in Papua. Two out of those three sources could dry up at any time; and the planters’ own esti mate of the permanence of their copra revenue is seen in the fact that, for several years, there has been no new coconut planting in Papua-New Guinea.

NO one likes to croak—least of all, this writer. But one might as well deny the sunset, as deny the operation of basic laws.

It is a fundamental rule of nature that a man—or the corporate state which men create so as to permit

their communal existence —cannot live in accordance with a “civilised” standard unless a certain definite amount of work or service is given in return.

While free Parliaments ruled, and the law of supply and demand operated without restriction, that minimum of work was easily ascer tained. National budgets balanced; the individual was safe; human progress was assured. But since Parliaments have become merely a hollow shell, and the functions of government have been usurped by the caucuses of political machines (directed mostly by professional politicians, trade union theorists and sociological cranks), the law of supply and demand has not been permitted to operate; and the economic and sociological structure of the Western world is in ever increasing confusion.

Thousands of people recognise and understand these plain and simple facts, and are desperately eager to apply the remedies. They know that, unless drastic and far reaching changes are made, the Western world must slide into economic collapse—not immediately, perhaps, but inevitably.

But they are only a minority.

The great Australian majority, for example, uninstructed and careless, will not believe that the conditions they so much enjoy to-day cannot continue indefinitely; and so they turn snarling upon any man who offers a warning.

ELIZABETH has been crowned, under the happiest auspices.

Emphasis has been placed upon the strength and resources of the British Commonwealth, both as a factor in world economics and an insurance against another war.

Phrase-makers have shouted, for weeks, about “another Elizabethan Age.”

But the wise old Times, of London, has pointed out (in an article on June 3) that it is high time the British nation ceased its wishful babbling, and asked itself how 45 million people are going to sup port themselves in the British Isles

under present-day conditions, with out some practical industrial pioneering and really hard work.

Is British leadership strong enough and wise enough to convince the industrial masses of Britain that their socialistic orgy (launched by the Attlee Government under the protection of American Lend-Lease aid) is at an end?

Our few more able leaders, like Churchill of England, Menzies of Australia, and some of the Ameri can Republics, recognise the danger, and are ready and willing to apply the remedies. But will the people follow?

GREAT and possibly rapid changes are pending. Now that Stalin is dead, and the Anglo-Ameri can world is armed, it looks as if Stalin’s Cold War is to be called off. Quite possibly, Russia will make a great gesture of disarmament and friendship in the belief that the Western Powers will follow suit.

Will that be followed by a cessa tion of Communism’s thrust across the Western nations? It depends entirely upon the Common People of the Western nations. Russia is pretty confident now that our socio economic structure has reached a state of such demoralisation that the process of our destruction will be completed by forces within, with out much help from their Iron Curtain friends without.

With some sort of a moral or spiritual awakening (not a religious revival, but a simple acceptance by the average man of his obligations as a citizen, as a cog in an organised community) the peoples of the earth could now enter upon an era of great progress, wellbeing, security and happiness —an “Elizabethan Age” which would shine out as one of history’s most glorious pages.

We can but watch hopefully the events of the next two or three years. So far, there is no sign of a change in public thinking. The morale of the nations seems ta have been destroyed by three wars (two hot and one cold), and an indescribable plague of sociological cranks.