Political Fun and Games The New State

New State of Indonesia

AS was anticipated, the appearance of “the Republic of the United States of Indonesia,” in the Western Pacific, on January 1, 1950, has had a disturbing effect upon other Pacific communities—not so much because of the establishment of a new State, as because of the arrogance and stupidity of the Indonesians.

When Holland and Indonesia finally reached agreement at The Hague last November, it was provided that Dutch New Guinea (the western half of the big Island) should for the present re main a Territory of the Netherlands.

It was further provided that the per manent future status of Dutch New Guinea should be decided before December 31, 1950.

It is plain to anyone that Dutch New Guinea is not in Indonesian territory. Racially, geographically, historically, culturally, there is no connection whatever between Indo nesia and Dutch New Guinea. It was only for convenience in administra tion that Dutch New Guinea was tacked on to the Netherlands Indies,, and governed from Batavia.

Within two or three days of the hoisting of the Republican flag in Batavia (the name of which was changed immediately to Jakarta—a good example of Indonesian men tality) the leading lights of the new Government announced that, before the year was out, Dutch New Guinea would be added to the Indonesian Republic. That made a very bad im

pression in the outside world—it was so typical of the way in which this type of Asiatic regards an agreement.

THE next development was the appearance in Western Java of a private army controlled by Captain “Turk” Westerling—a former Dutch- British Commando leader, and the adventurous son of Dutch-Turkish parents. He suddenly descended upon the important Java town of Bandoeng, sent the Indonesian soldiery scut tling across the countryside and occupied the area. Having completed his demonstration, and made the Indonesians look ridiculous, he re tired.

The origin and purpose of the Westerling activities are not clear; but they seem to be definitely pro- Dutch and anti-Indonesian. About a quarter of a million Dutch and part- Dutch people have been left high and dry in Java by this Republican arrangement; and there are indica tions that many Dutchmen are rally ing to the Westerling flag to fight as guerillas, and that supplies and muni tions are reaching the rebels from Australia and other countries. Wes terling is likely to provide, for Indonesia, in every respect, what the Americans call “a pain in the neck.”

Then the newspapers were stirred to a new excitement by a gentleman named Mohammed Yamin, described as “an official in Jakarta.” He de clared, on January 29, that Australian

New Guinea, as well as Dutch New Guinea, should become part of the United States of Indonesia, and that Australian New Guinea would be first on the list of Indonesia’s list of terri torial claims after Indonesia had acquired Dutch New Guinea. He also voiced Indonesia’s wish to control all Borneo, and to take over Portuguese Timor.

Although it was soon made clear that Mr. Yamin was merely a super bureaucrat, and did not speak for the Government of Indonesia, it was generally suspected that he was ex pressing the sentiments of the Government.

The Australian Minister for Ex ternal Affairs, Mr. Spender, expressed Australia’s view in two crisp sen tences: “Indonesia has not the slightest shadow of a claim to Aus tralian New Guinea on any ground, ethnic or otherwise. Any such claim would not admit of a moment’s con sideration and would be immediately rejected.”

Osmar White, Melbourne Herald’s correspondent in Batavia, reported on January 31, that Yamin’s state ment: “ . . . has evoked howls of ironic laughter from Europeans throughout Java. They are struck with the humour of a situation in which a Government, unable to maintain order 25 miles from its own capital, nurtures dreams of an empire. . . .

Mohammed Yamin, left wing philo sopher and adviser to the Indonesian Government at The Hague Confer ence, genuinely expresses the opinion of an influential section of Indo nesian politicians. The Government has disavowed him, but the situation here is ‘Who will be the Government

to-morrow?* Even scoffers and ostriches, who wanted to believe that all was well with Dr. Soekarno and his boys, to-day ruefully admit that the Westerling affair is not finished.”

A few days later, the Indonesian newspapers in Java were demanding the deportation of Osmar White.

IT seems certain that much will be heard of Dutch New Guinea in the future, and equally certain that Australia will have a good deal to say about it, Australia’s interest is three fold:— • Dutch New Guinea represents half of the great Island of New Guinea—the other half of which is Australian Territory (subject, of course, to Trusteeship). Australia would be very disturbed to think that her frontier was shared with Indo nesia, a State that, it seems certain, will be penetrated by Communism sooner or later. • The maintenance of the arc of islands which run from Timor through New Guinea, New Britain and the Solomon Islands to the New Hebrides, as a defensive barrier for Australia against possible aggression from Asia, is a first principle of Australian Government. Australia contemplates, with equanimity, a government of Western New Guinea by the Dutch; but she will certainly resist the ap pearance there of the Republic of Indonesia. • And, finally, there is oil. The new oilfield, found in 1939 at Sorong, at the western tip of Dutch New Guinea, and developed since the war, is now in production, and the crude oil is being treated at the new re finery, built recently at Altona, Mel bourne, at a cost of £1,000,000 —a most important thing for Australia.

Neither the Dutch nor the Austra lians see any reason why they should surrender this valuable oilfield to Indonesia.

Meanwhile, the United States—as part of its policy of erecting econo mic barriers against the spread of Communism from Asia—has made a large dollar loan to Indonesia.