An Imperial Headache :: The Indian

Situation In Fiji

INDIAN journalists in India, and the editor of a newly-established Indian “Review” (published in Ehglish) in Fiji, have been using their pens lately in a cheeky and aggressive way, on the subject of Fiji. They have not contri buted much to a solution of the ever growing problem of what is to be done with the Indian community in Fiji.

The claim that the Indian community has some paramount interest in Fiji is so silly that it does not merit serious discussion. Yet, if these Indian journal ists are not checked with a recital of cold facts—they “babble like a Babu lawyer” —the tireless repetition of their claims may eventually make some impression upon uninstructed minds.

When the Fiji Islands were discovered, a primitive but very virile Melanesian people, numbering 200,000 or 250,000, had been strongly established there for cen turies. According to all international practice and precept, their title to the archipelago is unchallengeable. During the 19th century, the Fijians tried to carry on as a homogeneous nation in a world by then dominated by European ideas and customs. Failing in that, they sought the protection of a European Power; and, after two or three appeals to Britain, the Territory of Fiji was ceded to the British Crown.

In the 75 years which since have passed, Britain has most honourably carried out her pledges to the Fijians. The country has been developed; the native people have been helped in many ways to adjust them selves to a new and changing world— and in three directions, especially, they have reason to be grateful to the British: — • Because they had no inbred immunity

to , overseas diseases, their numbers de clined disastrously during the 19th cen tury, so that, after the ’flu epidemic in 1920, there were only 80,000 left. Under British care, the race has recovered, so that it now numbers 125,000, and is satis factorily increasing. • The British Government consistently has resisted all moves to alienate large areas of Fiji land, so that most of the cultivable parts remain the absolute pro perty of the natives. • The British, over the decades, with exemplary patience, have applied them selves to the task of teaching the Fiji people to govern themselves; and now they are reaping a reward almost beyond their hopes. Year by year, we have increasing evidence that the new generations of Fijians are capable of acquiring all the arts and crafts that are necessary for their maintenance as a free nation.

We need only continue and develop there our applied systems of health and education, and in another couple of de cades we shall see a great and growing proportion of the administration in the hands of native Fijians.

BUT into this simple and apparently practical plan there is now obtruded a factor which, if not checked, spells dislocation of the Colony’s economy, and great danger for the Fijians. The Indian community wants to dominate the colony and, perhaps, even tack it on to the newly-created India. The attitude of such sections of the Indians as are articu late is one of contempt and patronage to wards the Fijians, and of savage hostility towards the British. This does not make for peaceful conditions or happy prospects

within the Colony. Whence comes this noisy Indian demand?

The Colony’s economy revolves around sugar. The Indians were brought in to work the sugar plantations and mills, when the industry was established sixty years ago. It never was contemplated, at any time, that these indentured labourers should be allowed to remain in Fiji as colonists. But—just as was the case with Chinese labourers brought into Samoa and Tahiti and New Guinea—the horror of returning to their overcrowded Asiatic homeland created in the minds of these Indian labourers an overpowering desire to stay in the new country: and, one way and another, this undesirable and unnec essary foreign community was allowed to take root.

Certain British officials accepted the argument that the establishment of Indian peasant communities as cane growers would solve some of the Colonial Sugar Refining Co.’s major difficulties.

They may not be blamed for that—there was reason in the argument—but where they did display weakness and shockingly bad judgment was in permitting The entry to the Colony of swarms of small traders, artisans, lawyers and what-not, to cluster around the cane-growers in the sugar townships.

NEARLY all Fiji’s present-day political troubles spring from this section of the Indian community. The sugar workers generally are decent, peaceable, industrious folk, who create little trouble in Fiji, and would create less if they were left alone by the urban mischief-makers, and the unscrupulous agents of Indian nationalism.

Until very recent times, there always was the hope that the solution of the Fiji problem might be found in changes in the social conditions and mental outlook of the Fijian-born Indians. We placed much hope in a soundly-based education system for Indian children. There was no reason why the younger generations of these

people should not forget the traditions, inhibitions and warped social ideas of their Asiatic home, and became loyal citizens of a new country in the South Seas. Fundamentally, there is a world of difference between the Indian and the Fijian—among other things, there is nothing to show that the Indian can justly rule the people of another race.

But it was considered possible that, once his ancient background and associations were removed the Fiji-born Indian could get closer to the Fijian, to the advantage of both.

BUT all events of the last two years tend to make such a solution unlikely.

Britain, in honourable fulfilment of what she deemed to be a moral obligation, gave India her independence—something that would have been granted in this way by no other world Power, except the United States.

If the British expected to receive, in re turn, the gratitude and goodwill of the Indians, they already have been disil lusioned. Hatred of the British seems to be the outstanding quality of the new India’s foreign policy; and hostility, in solence, and non-co-operation towards the British Administrations are already mani fest in Natal, Mauritius, Fiji—wherever Indian communities have managed to get a foothold in the British Empire.

It is an irritating, disappointing thing; but at least we have now the proof that we were right in arguing that India was not fit for self-government, and that Indian politicians generally may not be trusted. All these little nastinesses of Indian politicians and journalists in Fiji merely give backing to our contention that in the name of justice and decency we cannot allow such people to have any authority whatever over the Fijian com munity.

BUT this means, unhappily, that we are farther away than ever from a solu tion of the problem. Yet the Fiji situation cannot be allowed to remain in definitely where it is. It is, however, only one of a hundred headaches in the British Empire; some of those headaches are far more urgent than our troubles in Fiji; and so we must be patient—Britain, in due time, will get around to this trouble, and deal with it.

Meapwhile, the British Colonial Office would be wise to remember that the Fijian people are growing up, and thinking for themselves. It is not a good policy to give the Indian top much liberty, because he turns it into license; and, in permit ting his arrogance and insolence, we may easily forfeit the goodwill and confidence of the Fijian, which we gained in seventy years of sound and ,just administration.

By the circumstances of his coming, by his deplorable record in the Pacific War, and by the nature of his present propa ganda, the Indian cannot lay claim to any fundamental rights in Fiji. He should be informed of that, officially, and point edly, and soon. It might put an end to the present obvious attempt, by Delhi

to get concessions out of the Britain’s bemused Socialist Government, in relation to Fiji, before the Socialists go to the poll, this year, for their inevitable defeat.